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                <text>An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations </text>
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                <text>Adam Smith</text>
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                <text>Zach Irvin </text>
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                <text>March 1776</text>
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                <text>Published in 1776 by Scottish philosopher Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations continues to be a seminal piece of classical economics. Smith’s contributions, however, went far beyond the scope of the classical school of thought, defining the very parameters of any discussion of the modern political economy. In fact, Marx’s famous Capital is best understood as a response to Smith and his contemporaries. The Wealth of Nations structured the modern political economy by shaping its civil institutions and informing the discourse that surrounds it. &#13;
&#13;
It is important to situate Smith’s works within the broader developments of the late eighteenth century. As a central figure of the Scottish Enlightenment, Smith observed a very changing economic landscape in which the introduction of new production methods facilitated an accumulation of capital that was truly unprecedented at the time. Reconsidering the role of government became a chief concern of classical economists, with Smith developing a laissez-faire approach that limited the scope of the state apparatus in commercial activities. Although Smith often approached economics at its most aggregate level, he often considered the role of the industrial laborer, saying that "his dexterity at his own particular trade seems, in this manner, to be acquired at the expence of his intellectual, social, and martial virtues. But in every improved and civilized society this is the state into which the labouring poor, that is, the great body of the people, must necessarily fall, unless government takes some pains to prevent it."(Smith, 302). Even in Smith's works the commoner is taken to be a central agent to the modern economy. It was this “Smithian” ideology that would come to dominate economic thought for centuries to come. &#13;
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                <text>Adam Smith. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations , 1856. University of Edinburgh. &lt;a href="https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/9200271/BibliographicResource_3000058904375.html?q=An+Inquiry+into+the+Nature+and+Causes+of+the+Wealth+of+Nations"&gt;https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/9200271/BibliographicResource_3000058904375.html?q=An+Inquiry+into+the+Nature+and+Causes+of+the+Wealth+of+Nations&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;span dir="ltr"&gt;Smith, Adam. &lt;em&gt;An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, Volume 3&lt;/em&gt;. G. Walker, 1822. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Slave Shackle</text>
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                <text>In the 17th century, the Enlightenment burst forth on the stage of European Intellectual life. It was a movement that stood out from the Renaissance by its focus on breaking free of the past, looking for more reasoned answers to questions, both new and old (Wiesner-Hanks, 367). The Enlightenment led to discussions, debates, and the development of new ideas, particularly in the areas of politics, religion, and ethics. It was out of this age that we have inherited modern ideals of equality, democracy, secular states, and even gender parity (Taylor, 84). Slavery, and the slave trade, were vigorously debated topics during this period, with various philosophers discussing the morality of keeping slaves, and weighing it against the clear economic benefits of the slave trade for Europe. On the one hand, the rhetoric pursued by many Enlightenment thinkers was highly egalitarian such as Philosopher Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas Caritat’s calls for universal human rights, and language critical of the slave trade found in Denis Diderot’s Encyclopédie (Wiesner-Hanks, 383). Yet, on the other hand, many Enlightenment philosophers used the new ideas and reasoning techniques to cement support for slavery. David Hume, for example, asserted that scientific developments of the modern era had proved Africans to be inferior to Europeans given their geographical origins, which he used to justify their continued enslavement (Wiesner-Hanks, 387). Other philosophers during this period seemed uncomfortable with slavery, yet were unwilling to openly challenge the institution, or to call for the abolition of the slave trade. In perhaps his most famous work, Candide, Voltaire portrays slavery in its monstrous reality when his protagonist meets a Black man in Surinam who gives a very accurate description of what life is like for slaves in South America. “They give us one pair of linen trunks twice a year as our only clothing. When we work in the sugar mills and catch our fingers in the grinder, they cut off our hand. When we try to escape, they cut off our leg” (Voltaire, 81). Yet despite this blunt description of the institution, Voltaire was known for including racist comments in his other works and never publicly called for the abolition of slavery (Gordon, 13).&#13;
    Suppression of the Slave Trade began in the early 19th century, most notably with the British abolition of the trade in 1807, which they attempted to enforce throughout the entire Atlantic. All slavery was formally abolished in most European colonies during the 1840s. Interestingly, much of the impetus for abolition came not from Enlightenment leaders, but instead from religious groups. The movement was led largely by religious groups often considered on the fringe of society such as the Quakers and the Methodists who felt that Christian morals forbade the continuation of slavery; a consensus many Enlightenment thinkers, both Christian and secular, had failed to come to (Wiesner-Hanks, 526). Notably, the United States, a nation founded on Enlightenment principles, retained legal slavery in parts of the country until 1863, several decades beyond most European nations.</text>
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                <text>Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, Netherlands</text>
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                <text>Frederick the Great</text>
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                <text>Anton Graff</text>
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                <text>Andrew Fitch</text>
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                <text>1781</text>
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                <text>The War of Austrian Succession established the dualism of Prussia and Austria which would characterize the empire until its collapse in 1806. At the end of the 30 years war in 1648 very few Germans likely would have been able to predict Prussia’s rise. Brandenburg (the principal holding of the Hohenzollern family) was devastated by the war and the Hapsburgs had been relatively unchallenged with regards to both their emperorship and their power for generations (Wiesner-Hanks 351). Prussia was only able to turn its fortunes around thanks to a series of strategic rulers, starting with Frederick William, the “Great Elector”. Frederick William, (ruled 1640 - 1688) and his grandson (also named Frederick William, 1713 - 1740) used absolute policies to build a huge and highly trained army (Wiesner-Hanks 352). However, it was Frederick II “the Great” (ruled 1740 - 1786) who truly established Prussia as a powerful contender in both the Holy Roman Empire and Europe as a whole. &#13;
&#13;
Frederick II, pictured in the self-portrait above, achieved a great reputation as a military leader and greatly expanded Prussia’s power and size. Over the course of his reign, he increased the size of Prussia’s army from about 83,000 to over 190,000 (Anderson). He put this massive army to use as well, as evident when he seized Silesia from Austria during the war of Austrian Succession. His prowess is again evident in his ability to ward off France, Austria, and Russia in the seven years war (Wiesner-Hanks 352). In addition to being a military genius, Frederick II is also famous for being one of the principal “enlightened rulers” in Europe during the 18th century.&#13;
&#13;
Frederick II’s prominence as an enlightened ruler is perhaps most evident in the words of Immanuel Kant who, in his work What is Enlightenment, directly correlated Frederick the Great with the Enlightenment when he said, “This is the age of enlightenment and the century of Frederick [the Great]“ (Kant 207). Frederick’s particular style of ruling is often viewed through the lens of enlightened despotism, in which Frederick still had near absolute power but also had many policies that could be viewed as enlightened. One of his most famous policies was his religious toleration, which helped bolster the population of Prussia and increase the size of his army as Jewish and Huguenot exiles moved to Prussia (Anderson). His role as an enlightened ruler is also evident in his abolishment of judicial torture and his attempts to establish a universal primary education system in Prussia (Anderson).&#13;
&#13;
Frederick’s many accomplishments would only cause a greater rivalry between Prussia and Austria.  This resulted in increased conflict and division within the Holy Roman Empire, further diminishing any chance at the possibility of a unified Germany (Anderson).&#13;
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                <text>https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Friedrich_der_Gro%C3%9Fe_(1781_or_1786)_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg &#13;
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                <text>Illustration of the Brevísima of de Las Casas</text>
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                <text>Joos van Winghe and Theodor de Bry</text>
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                <text>Elliot Cahn</text>
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                <text>One of the key parts of the Spanish economy in the New World following its conquest was the use of indigenous labor. This system was termed the encomienda system. One of the loudest voices against this system was Bartolomé de las Casas, a former slave owner and Dominican friar. He repeatedly lobbied the Spanish crown to improve the treatment of the indigenous population in the Americas, achieving only modest success. The striking image above depicts Spanish atrocities inspired by Las Casas’ accounts.&#13;
&#13;
Las Casas’ positions were certainly controversial, which led to a famous debate at the royal court at Valladolid against scholar Juan Ginés de Sepúlvida, who supported the form Spanish rule was taking. He argued that the Spanish, with their “gifts of prudence, intelligence, magnanimity, temperance, humanity, and religion” (Cowans 60) ought to continue the war and enslavement of indigenous Americans, who he views as barbarians. Spanish colonization, according to Sepúlvida, was fulfilling the mission to convert Americans from “impious servants of the demons into Christians and worshippers of the true God” (Cowans 63). Las Casas believed that the encomienda system was evil and responsible for horrifying atrocities committed against the New World population, noting, “the devil could invent no greater pestilence to destroy that whole world” (Cowans 67). He thought the natives should receive more favorable treatment from a religious standpoint because they had not been introduced to Christianity prior to the Spanish arrival. To Las Casas, the Spanish conquest, in promoting Christianity and Christian values, should benefit the indigenous population more than the colonizers. Clearly, murdering and overworking the inhabitants was counterproductive to advancing the Spanish religious mission.</text>
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                <text>Las Casas, Bartolomé de, “Thirty Propositions (1552)” in Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, ed. Jon Cowans. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003.</text>
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                <text>Sepúlveda, Juan Ginés de, “Just War in the Indies (ca. 1547)” in Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, ed. Jon Cowans. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003.</text>
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                <text>Equestrian Portrait of the Count-Duke of Olivares</text>
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                <text>Diego Velazquez</text>
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                <text>Elliot Cahn</text>
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                <text>1636</text>
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                <text>Philip IV’s reign in Spain is also marked by attempts to centralize power, as was the trend in other European nations (most notably France behind the leadership of the Cardinal Richelieu). The man most associated with this centralization is Don Gaspar de Guzmán, Count-Duke of Olivares, the king’s longtime advisor. The image above is a rendering of the duke by the famed painter Diego Velázquez.&#13;
&#13;
When King Philip, aged 22 at the time, was three years into his reign, Olivares laid out his absolutist ideology in a document directed to the young king titled Instructions on Government (1624). The document explains the different levels of the socioeconomic hierarchy of Spain and gives the king instructions on how to handle its members. For instance, he suggests restricting the grandees, who were noblemen of the highest rank, by preventing them from communicating with other grandees or government ministers (Cowans 154). Olivares also recommended that King Philip create rivalries between grandees and the rest of the aristocracy by “[making] it clear that you esteem some of the titled lords as much as the grandees” (Cowans 155). Olivares also mentions “punishing [the people]…and intimidating them so that they do not get out of control” (Cowans 156). The intention of the Instructions on Government is to remove potential threats from to power and make the entirety of the Spanish state dependent on the king. Olivares sought a strong monarchy that could effectively collect tax revenue and raise a unified army, which was important for the continuation of Olivares’ war-reliant foreign policy designed to make Spain a dominant European power again. To do this, the crown would have to reduce the autonomy of the different provinces of Spain. These reforms caused revolts in Catalonia and Portugal that heavily hindered Spain’s success in European warfare (Bradbury 11).</text>
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                <text>Bradbury, Ian. "OLIVARES." Teaching History, no. 43 (1985): 9-11. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43256344.</text>
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                <text>Olivares, Count-Duke of, “Instructions on Government (1624)” in Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, ed. Jon Cowans. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003.</text>
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                <text>	Adam Smith’s quintessential work of classical economic philosophy, Wealth of Nations, is seen as one of the most influential philosophical works of the entire Enlightenment era. In it, Smith bashes Mercantilist economic policies for their backward, unproductive effect on economies. Instead, he advocates for what he calls Laissez-Faire economics, meaning that the government plays a minimal, if not non-existent, role in their state’s economy. These theories could be seen as the birth of economic Liberalism, building off of John Locke’s treatises which advocate minimal government involvement in the everyday lives of its citizens. Smith goes further to say that the government should not touch the economy in any way in a capitalist system to have a genuinely productive and Liberal economy.&#13;
	Though Smith’s arguments could be seen to have developed in, and only in, a period of intellectual vitality such as the Enlightenment, it could be argued the period preceding the enlightenment had enough intellectual virtue to incubate Smith’s philosophical developments. Historian, Joel Mokyr argues that the developments and intellectual exuberance of the Scientific Revolution, which occurred before periods of liberal economic theory when mercantilism still reigned chief, were vital in setting the stage for the Industrial Revolution, which has a direct correspondence with the enlightenment in England based on their time periods (roughly the second half of the 18th Century)(1). &#13;
&#13;
 1. Mokyr, Joel. “Accounting for the Industrial Revolution.” Chapter. In The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Britain, edited by Roderick Floud and Paul Johnson, 1:1–27. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521820363.002.&#13;
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                <text>Aphra Behn was an English writer whose work Oronooko addressed the slave trade. She wrote about a slave rebellion in Surinam, drawing upon her own experiences there along with her knowledge of the slave trade (Wiesner-Hanks, 390). The slave trade, put into motion due to demand in the British-dominated Caribbean for cheap labor on sugar plantations, ramped up during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. &#13;
&#13;
Behn’s story reflects the challenges slaves faced as early capitalism developed on the sugar plantations. Landowners required unskilled labor, which they exploited for profit -- this meant harsh working conditions and the abandonment of subsistence cultivation as the desire for sugar in England grew (Moore). The farming of sugar marked a turning point in England’s economic history, establishing it as a central player in Atlantic trade, but it also had implications for race relations and the increasing disparity in social divisions.&#13;
&#13;
Behn was one of the first prominent female writers in England, but the significance of her work doesn’t end there (Wiesner-Hanks, 390). She was one of Europe’s early novel-writers, a literary format that has spread across the world. It served as the predecessor to Voltaire’s Candide, which was another “early novel that incorporated overseas voyages” (Wiesner-Hanks, 390). </text>
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Wiesner-Hanks, Merry. Early Modern Europe: 1450-1789. Cambridge University Press, 2013. Print.</text>
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                <text>What is now the Royal Palace of Amsterdam was originally inaugurated in 1665 as the Town Hall of the City of Amsterdam, to be the "eighth wonder of the world". With the newfound independence from Spain thanks to the Peace of Westphalia, and with the Dutch Golden Age in full swing, the dilapidated medieval town hall no longer sufficed. Amsterdam was rapidly becoming Europe's most important and successful trade center, and according to its burgomasters, its town hall needed a revamp in order to represent the city's new status and prosperity (Beranek). Jacob van Campen's design was chosen for that very purpose. The new town hall was designed in the Dutch Classicist style, with particular focus on symmetry and ideal ratios––the resulting building is very orderly. The exterior of the hall sports Corinthian pilasters in sandstone (an unusual medium for the city) and above a pediment shows reliefs of the Maid of Amsterdam and the bounties of the sea, a tribute to the flourishing trade of the city. Sculptures of the allegorical figures Peace, Prudence, Justice, Temperance, and Fortitude rise from the roof (Beranek). The town hall also has a cupola, which houses a bell salvaged from the original building. Inside, the main barrel-vaulted citizen's hall stretches through most of the building, dominating the space, while two smaller interior courts flank the hall and allow light in. Structurally, it's something of a marvel; Amsterdam's soft ground rarely allowed for such large building projects, so nearly fourteen thousand wooden poles were driven into the ground to carry the weight of the new town hall ("About the Palace"). For two centuries after its construction, the hall was also the largest secular building in Europe, standing as a reflection of Amsterdam's power and prestige.&#13;
&#13;
The first stone of the new Amsterdam town hall was laid in 1848, shortly after the peace treaty assuring Dutch independence from Spain was finalized. Political autonomy was a crucially important for the Dutch during this period, as decentralized politics in the Netherlands opened up a plethora of avenues for economic growth––the lack of a central regulatory power resulted in significantly more freedom within the economy. It was also a definite source of pride for the people of the Dutch Republic, whose lands had been passed from hand to hand for centuries. Now that they were independent, the Dutch way could reign, and Dutch successes could remain uniquely Dutch; credit would be given were credit was due. This is absolutely exemplified by the creation of this new town hall. As soon as the Dutch Republic gained their independence, they proceeded to construct a grandiose seat of self-government that glorified their city and literally set Dutch values into stone, a veritable reflection of the pride which they held for their own achievements as a Dutch region. However, this sentiment was largely reversed when the town hall was converted into a residential palace after Napoleon asserted his power over the Republic and it was forced to accept Louis Napoleon as king in 1806. Even when power was returned to the Dutch monarchy, the old town hall remained a palace, as it was seen as important to have a palace in the capital city. Since then, it has always been a palace. But it's important not the diminish the reasons for which the town hall was originally built, and what it represented then: Dutch reclamation of their own independence, values, and prosperity in the context of their Golden Age.</text>
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"About the Palace." Paleis Amsterdam, accessed November 2, 2018. https://www.paleisamsterdam.nl/en/about-palace/&#13;
&#13;
Beranek, Saskia. "The Town Hall of Amsterdam," last modified September 7, 2017. https://smarthistory.org/amsterdam-hall/</text>
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                <text>Tobacco jar in the Trophy series, Real Fabrica de Alcora, Castellon, Spain, second period, 1764-1775 AD, ceramic (From Museo Nacional de Artes Decorativas in Madrid, Spain)</text>
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                <text>Daderot. English: Exhibit in the Museo Nacional de Artes Decorativas, Madrid, Spain. This Work Is in the Public Domain Because the Artist Died More than 100 Years Ago. Photography Was Permitted in the Museum without Restriction. October 10, 2014. Own work. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tobacco_jar_in_the_Trophy_series,_Real_Fabrica_de_Alcora,_Castellon,_Spain,_second_period,_1764-1775_AD,_ceramic_-_Museo_Nacional_de_Artes_Decorativas_-_Madrid,_Spain_-_DSC08302.JPG.&#13;
&#13;
Marcy Norton, “Encountering Novelties” in Sacred Gifts, Profane Pleasures: A History of Tobacco and Chocolate in the Atlantic World, (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), 44-62&#13;
&#13;
Marcy Norton, “Tasting Empire: Chocolate and the European Internalization of Mesoamerican Aesthetics,” American Historical Review 111 (June 2006): 660-91.&#13;
&#13;
Peter Musgrave, “Europe’s Place in the World” in The Early Modern European Economy, (New York City, NY: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 162-196</text>
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                <text>The first documented case of European tobacco initiation came in 1518 during Juan de Grijalva’s expedition of the Yucatán Peninsula (Norton, 48). As such, tobacco was initially viewed as a brokering tool, not as a commodity. Yet, it gradually grew in importance through published journals on Native Americans lives in the 1530s, being codified as a tool of the devil (Norton, 58). Thus, religious figures in Spain opposed its initial usage, alongside many New World goods like chocolate. Colonial Inquisition cases even revealed a link between chocolate and sorcery, as many women were prosecuted for chocolate-based cures or potions (Norton, 688). Despite the initial opposition, colonial goods were eventually brought over to Spain where they gradually built up local support. It’s unclear why these commodities gained support in Europe, but Marcy Norton suggests that it was a symbol of colonists’ continued independence, and the influence that they had on the Spanish metropole (Norton, 691). These colonists were coming to Europe as traders or for employment and forming communities where they used these goods, allowing them to spread in the wider area through local relationships and trade, despite the church’s opposition. These commodities also represented colonial independence through their production, as increased consumption in Spain led to the growth of massive industries which gave colonies new autonomy through financial power. As Norton notes, “…whereas in 1559 ‘non-European groceries’ accounted for less than 9 percent of the total value of English imports, by 1800 that proportion had risen to almost 35 percent” (Norton, 665). This increased production power meant a lesser reliance on European goods, allowing many to later push for independence (Musgrave, 185). Thus, tobacco represents a political and religious struggle led by the Spanish metropole to assert dominance over the colonies that ultimately failed, leaving behind independent colonies.</text>
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&#13;
Architect: Jacob van Campen</text>
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                <text>In the 1600s the young Dutch Republic was the envy of Europe. Despite their small size and decentralized government structure, the United Provinces of the Netherlands managed to make themselves the middlemen of the world in the 17th century by leveraging their capable shipbuilders and shrewd merchants to create a trade network that spanned the world. Being the site of the full flowering of merchant capitalism has its benefits, of course, and the Dutch Golden Age is defined as such because the massive wealth accrued by the Netherlands produced an average standard of living far higher than that of other European nations (Britannica). The greatest beneficiaries of this increased prosperity were, of course, those who already possessed a great deal of money: the landed aristocracy and the urban merchant class. The way that these groups reacted to their new status as, bar certain powerful nobles, the richest people in Europe while also acknowledging the uniquely democratic (well, oligarchic) nature of their government can be most clearly seen in the houses which they chose to live in, of which the Mauritshuis is emblematic.&#13;
&#13;
Built in 1644 during its owner Johan Maurits’ term as governor of the Dutch colony in Brazil on behalf of the Dutch West India Company, the Mauritshuis is a townhouse designed to convey both Maurits’ wealth as well as his respectably refined taste (History Mauritshuis). The roughly square building is situated at the heart of the Hague, the Netherlands’ political center, and is deliberately noticeable: the four facades are set with Ionic pilasters and garlands whose bright white stone (which is also used for the windowsills) complements the pinkish brick which forms the rest of the wall, and which contrasts pleasantly with the bluish-grey tiles of the elegantly-sloped roof. Still, the Mauritshuis isn’t ostentatious. It has only two main stories and an attic level, and though the colors are pleasant (the house was nicknamed the “sugar palace” (History Mauritshuis)), they aren’t dazzling, nor are the classical decorations very elaborate. The most highly-ornamental part of the house are the pediments over the entrance and on the opposite facade, which bring to mind a Greek temple and are likely meant to reference the democratic ideals of what was at the time Europe’s most successful republic. There are smaller pediments on the second-story windows, and while these are most likely meant to provide verticality to what otherwise might be a fairly boxy structure they can also be seen as reinforcing this message, announcing that despite Johan Maurits’ status as a nobleman of middling rank (he was a count (History Mauritshuis)), he was most importantly a man whose power and wealth came from his own success as a merchant. &#13;
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The Mauritshuis communicates its owner’s wealth and taste, as well as the appropriate political beliefs for a public figure of the Dutch Golden Age. These effects would have been important for the new bourgeois class of merchants coming to dominate the Netherlands, and which would soon become preeminent throughout Europe, whose members needed a way to negotiate their new status--hence the expensive decorations--while also seeming to be moral and respectful of their betters, and thus restricted in their aesthetic sensibility. Despite, therefore, the fact that the Mauritshuis’ owner was noble, it is no coincidence that buildings like it served as the houses for most of the Netherlands’ merchant class.&#13;
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                <text>"Netherlands." Encyclopedia Britannica. 2018. https://www.britannica.com/place/Netherlands/Cultural-life#ref35839&#13;
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https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bartholomeus_Johannes_van_Hove,_Het_Mauritshuis_te_Den_Haag.jpg&#13;
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"History Mauritshuis." Mauritshuis. 2018. https://www.mauritshuis.nl/en/discover/mauritshuis/history-of-the-building/</text>
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              <text>379.5 cm x 453.5 cm</text>
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                <text>The Company of Frans Banning Cocq and Willem van Ruytenburgh, known as the ‘Night Watch’.&#13;
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                <text>Rembrandt van Rijn</text>
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                <text>Adam Smart</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;This painting by Rembrandt highlights the emerging class of city elites in the Netherlands during the early modern period, and the social mobility which characterized the economic climate of the Netherlands at this time. The main subject of the painting, Frans Banning Cocq, participated in the city council of Amsterdam and eventually became the burgomaster of the city. This prestigious career had humble beginnings, however, as Cocq was the son of an immigrant from Northern Germany and was allegedly impoverished in the early years of his stay in Amsterdam (Haley 56). This rise to power demonstrates the degree to which the citizens of Amsterdam and migrants from abroad could move up in social and economic status within the Dutch Republic: through economic successes or from strategic marriages into the existing urban circles of the time, one could become a member of powerful institutional structures in Amsterdam (Haley 53).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Rembrandt painted portraits of many members of this prominent class, many of whom had also risen up the social ladder of Amsterdam society. Elias Trip, for example, migrated to Amsterdam from Germany and became a prominent arms dealer and investor in the Dutch East India Company (Haley 56). In this way, Rembrandt’s artistic world differed from the Renaissance. While Rembrandt sometimes painted for the stadtholder of the Dutch Republic (Israel 561), the large number of urban elites also commissioned individual works from the Dutch master. Alongside urban and political patrons, Rembrandt utilized the growing number of art dealers to sell his paintings which were not commissioned (Wiesner-Hanks 396).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Rembrandt’s artistic innovations include the development of “fine painting,” where artists created colorful artwork using expensive dyes and polishes which appealed to art enthusiasts. Rembrandt also painted in a style which evoked drama through lighting and the positioning of figures, which can be seen in works such as the “The Night Watch” (Israel 560-561). “The Night Watch” and the careers of both Rembrandt and Frans Banning Cocq serve as examples of the changing social and artistic climates of the Dutch Republic, and Europe, during the 17th century.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Works Cited:&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Haley, K.H.D., &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;The Dutch in the Seventeenth Century&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;, 38-64, London: Thames and Hudson, 1972.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Israel, Jonathan, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;The Dutch Republic&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E. “Cultural and intellectual life, 1600-1789” In &lt;i&gt;Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789&lt;/i&gt;, 366-404. Cambridge University Press, 2013.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text> https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_Nightwatch_by_Rembrandt.jpg &#13;
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                <text>This image is in the Public Domain.</text>
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                <text>Pragmatic Sanction of 1713        &#13;
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                <text>Charles VI</text>
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                <text>In 1713 Holy Roman Emperor and ruler of Hapsburg lands Charles VI issued the pragmatic sanction. This edict overruled the long-standing imperial law against a woman inheriting states in the Holy Roman Empire and was necessitated by Charles’ lack of a male heir (Wiesner-Hanks 350). This document went on to gain the assent of some states both within the Holy Roman Empire and Europe as a whole. However, when Charles’ daughter, Maria Theresa, inherited Hapsburg holdings in 1740 many of these states withdrew their assent and attacked Austria resulting in the War of Austrian Succession (Wiesner-Hanks 351). &#13;
&#13;
Spain, Saxony, and Bavaria all rejected the pragmatic sanction in order to assert their own claims to Hapsburg lands. These claims were also supported by Austria’s long-time enemy: France (War of the Austrian Succession). Furthermore, Bavaria’s chief claimant was Holy Roman Emperor Charles VII, the first non-Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor in hundreds of years (War of the Austrian Succession). Lastly, Frederick II of Prussia, a rapidly growing German state known for its formidable army, seized the territory of Silesia from the Hapsburgs (War of the Austrian Succession). In the end, the death of Charles VII resulting in the return of the imperial title to the Hapsburgs, the growing costs of war, and several French defeats resulted in a truce (War of the Austrian Succession). &#13;
&#13;
The end result of this truce was Maria Theresa was recognized as the legitimate ruler of Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary (Wiesner-Hanks 351). All of this shows that entering the 18th century the Hapsburgs were able to maintain their influence and power in the Holy Roman Empire. However, unlike in the 17th century, Hapsburg power in the Holy Roman Empire was now being challenged.&#13;
&#13;
Prussia had also proven itself to be a great power in the War of the Austrian Succession. Despite Austria retaining much of its territory, Prussia was successful in seizing Silesia, one of the wealthiest provinces in Germany at this time (Wiesner-Hanks 351). As the 18th century progressed the political landscape of the Holy Roman Empire would no longer be characterized by Hapsburg dominance but rather by a struggle between the Hapsburgs and the Hohenzollerns.&#13;
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                <text>https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pragmatica_Sanc.jpg &#13;
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