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                <text>Amsterdam Wisselbank (Bank of Amsterdam)</text>
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                <text>Pieter Saenredam (Painting)</text>
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                <text>Kaan Taskintuna</text>
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                <text>The Bank of Amsterdam was originally a town hall, but was converted into a bank by the city of Amsterdam in the year 1609. The Bank of Amsterdam is considered to be the first modern central bank. As the Netherlands entered the Dutch Golden Age in the 17th century, Amsterdam became one of the economic centers of Europe. Thanks to the massive blossoming of trade with the operations of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), coins from different countries and regions were circulating in the Dutch economy. It is also worth noting that VOC was the first multinational corporation, and it drove the Netherlands to becoming an economic superpower. However, a system to determine exchange rates was not there. The Amsterdam Wisselbank was the solution to create a more efficient and safer facilitation of trade. The creation of this first modern bank in Amsterdam can be viewed as a milestone in both Europe's economic history, and a symbol of Dutch economic triumph.&#13;
&#13;
Once obscure, Amsterdam was now a center of trade. While countries like Spain and France were struggling, Netherlands was becoming an economic leader in Europe.&#13;
&#13;
References:&#13;
"Amsterdam: Capital of the Golden Age." Visit Holland: The Netherlands Board of Tourism. November 01, 2018. Accessed November 18, 2018. https://www.holland.com/global/tourism.htm.&#13;
Wiesner, Merry E. “Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789.” Cambridge History of Europe ; v. 2. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006.&#13;
"The Bank of Amsterdam." Beurs Geschiedenis. April 13, 2017. Accessed November 18, 2018. https://www.beursgeschiedenis.nl/en/moment/the-bank-of-amsterdam/.&#13;
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&#13;
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                <text>Reflections on the Revolution in France </text>
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                <text>	In “Reflections on the Revolution in France,” Edmund Burke critiques the revolution that had recently occurred in France as irrational and impractical. Burke, a pillar of 18th-century conservatism, advocated for a well-supported divine right monarchy and uses the French Revolution as an opportunity to re-spark an earlier debate in England about the “right” (or lack thereof) of the people of a state to overthrow their divine monarch. Burke distinctly opposes any such overthrowing or revolution, and instead advocates for incremental changes in government or society to promote stability. A similar distinction can be drawn between Socialism and Communism. Communism, being a radical form of socialism, argues for a revolution to implement the political changes which socialist ideology argues should be incrementally incorporated. Burke critiques Enlightenment thinkers as simplistically reducing societies’ inherent complexities to fit their own philosophies, which fueled much of the French Revolution. Such philosophies do not account for the great nuances of a state and society, argues Burke, and perhaps carelessly encourage sudden revolutionary changes which ultimately result in chaos and disorder. He points to the “Reign of Terror” in France following the revolution as an example of the instability and tyranny it had caused.&#13;
	Though Burke’s theories became widely influential in later conservatism, they were initially received poorly and with outrage in England. Burke was seen as a monarchical loyalist and deeply conservative and oppressive voice in English politics. In James Gillray’s political cartoon “Smelling Out a Rat,” printed shortly after “Reflections” was published, Gillray depicts Burke as a figure ascending from a mysterious smoke with a massive nose and inspecting spectacles, intended to expose an “atheistic revolutionary.” Burke holds a large cross in one hand and a crown in the other, reaffirming the narrative of his conservative advocacy of a supreme divine right monarchy. </text>
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                <text>Jean-Jacques Rousseau</text>
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                <text>     In Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s “Social Contract,” he draws influence from conservative theorists, such as Hobbes, and liberal theorists, such as Locke, alike when mapping out how what a well-functioning socio-political state would look like in the 18th century. Rousseau distinctly categorizes three groups of society, the public of individuals, the sovereign made up of the individuals as a collective, and the government or state. He intrinsically separates the first two (the public and sovereign) from the latter (the state), which he defines as the monarchy and aristocracy. In his view, the sovereign in constant tension with the state, and the same tension, in turn, leads to the inevitable destruction of states. However, to maintain a stable state for the most extended period of time, certain measures can be taken in structuring power. A legislative body can be made up of the sovereign to work alongside the aristocracy, whom Rousseau sees as essential for maintaining stability in a state. Effective citizenship by much of the public would be required for such a system to function naturally, and Rousseau draws comparisons to classical states such as in Ancient Rome or Greece, where such citizenship was an honorary duty by the public, especially those higher in the socio-political ranks of society.&#13;
     Rousseau also warns against certain factors which could weaken the balance and stability of a state. He argues for conformity in society within the public sphere (public life). This conformity applies to religion, language, and other cultural identities. By encouraging uniformity, he is by virtue suggesting that homogeneity aids in the stability of states and avoiding friction between different members and powers in society. For example, religion could be harnessed by a state to promote morals which benefit stability and active citizenship among all individuals in the state. Regardless, Rousseau maintains that the state should not be imposed onto the private life of citizens, where personal identities should be relatively free.&#13;
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                <text>Teddy Wolfe</text>
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                <text>	Early modern scholars were divided on the issue of controlling colonies in Spain. Some saw holding power over colonies as beneficial for the wealth they provided, while others saw them as a distraction.&#13;
	Colonies provided Spain with massive amounts of wealth. Between 1591 and 1600, treasure imported by Spain was worth approximately 14 million pesos (Hamilton, 464). Put into context, the colonial wealth accumulated between 1591-95 alone could pay the salaries and wages of all the persons in Spain for 21 and 1/3rd days (Hamilton, 464). Furthermore, many, like scholar Juan de Solórzano y Pereyra, believed it was Spain’s biblical duty to support colonization as a method of converting and civilizing Native Americans (Cowans, 164).&#13;
	Yet others disagreed, and wanted Spain to stop controlling colonies. These figures argued that an obsession with empire was the cause of Spain’s woes. As José Campillo y Cossío wrote in 1762, “The treasures Spain possess in America now do more harm than good. For nine-tenths [of the proceeds] go to foreign nations” (Cowans, 218). Campillo believed that the colonies were lucrative, but that they were woefully mismanaged— breeding corruption. Yet, he still believed they could be fixed. Adam Smith, on the other hand, simply believed in removing all support sent to the colonies, writing “The colonies of Spain and Portugal… give more real encouragement to the industry of other countries than to that of Spain and Portugal” (Smith). In other words, the colonies only helped themselves and weren’t worth the headache. &#13;
	In summary, all the scholars agreed that colonies were lucrative. The issue was whether or not their sometimes frustrating management was worth it, which was debated frequently. Beyond this argument, it is important to mention that these scholars weren’t the only ones studying the issue. There are entire schools of thought devoted to studying the impacts of colonialism— and not just on how it impacted Spain, but how it influenced the colonies themselves. Those ideas lie outside the scope of this passage, but are worth studying to truly understand the wide-spread impact of colonialism on different power dynamics.</text>
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                <text>Coinman62. English: Gold Half Escudo Coin of Philip V of Spain, Dated 1743.English: Χρυσό Νόμισμα Που Απεικονίζει Τον Φίλιππο Ε’ Της Ισπανίας. November 21, 2006. Transferred from en.wikipedia; transferred to Commons by User:MARKELLOS using CommonsHelper. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:PhilipVGoldCoin.jpg.&#13;
&#13;
Hamilton, Earl J. "Imports of American Gold and Silver Into Spain, 1503-1660." The Quarterly Journal of Economics 43, no. 3 (1929): 436-72. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1885920.&#13;
&#13;
Juan de Solórzano y Pereyra, “Indian Policy (1648)” in Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, ed. Jon Cowans, (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 163-167.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
José Campillo y Cossío, “A New Economic Policy for America (1762)” in Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, ed. Jon Cowans, (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 217-224.&#13;
&#13;
“Adam Smith From The Wealth of Nations 1776 The Cost of Empire &lt; 1776-1785 &lt; Documents &lt; American History From Revolution To Reconstruction and beyond.” Accessed November 13, 2018. http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/documents/1776-1785/adam-smith-from-the-wealth-of-nations-1776-the-cost-of-empire.php.</text>
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                <text>Photograph: Camille Gevaudon&#13;
Architect: Jacques-Germain Soufflot</text>
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                <text>Brendan Glenn</text>
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                <text>The philosophy of the Enlightenment is nothing if not versatile. This can be readily observed in the contemporary world, with every side of any political fight claiming that “rights” and “reason” lend support to their arguments. This modern pervasiveness of Enlightenment thinking is perhaps a testament to its versatility, since no system of philosophy would be accepted by almost everybody if it couldn’t be adapted to serve a wide variety of ideologies. There is little better evidence for this fact than the popularity of Neoclassical architecture in pre-Revolutionary France. Despite the fact that we in the modern day often associate the Enlightenment with the birth of democratic ideals, notions of innate equality, and other necessarily anti-monarchical notions, many absolutist monarchs, noblemen, and other necessarily pro-monarchy people were very much enamored with Enlightenment thought. Voltaire famously believed that the best leader was an “ideal monarch,” and Catherine the Great of Russia, who corresponded with Voltaire in her youth, was famous for being “enlightened” (though she banned many of his books in her later life) (Britannica, Catherine the Great). Likewise, these leaders and their supporters were fans of the same Enlightenment-inspired Neoclassical architecture which would come in later years to be associated with radical democracies. Thus, there exists in Paris a building called the Panthéon, a Neoclassical structure built in the run-up to the French Revolution by the governments of Louis XV and Louis XVI.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Neoclassical architecture was well-liked during the Enlightenment for several reasons, including but not limited to nostalgia for the work of the Renaissance and a renewed interest in the Classical world, but the primary draw was that the perfect proportions and geometric regularity of Neoclassical structures seemed to be expressions of pure reason, that highest of Enlightenment virtues, in the physical world. The Paris Panthéon, like other Neoclassical buildings built under royal regimes, claimed that reason for the monarchical state. &#13;
&#13;
The Panthéon, built starting in 1757 and completed in 1790 (Britannica), is a large mausoleum built from white marble. Initially conceived of as a church, it was reconsecrated as a secular structure after the Revolution and renamed the “Panthéon” due to its design, which was partly modeled on the Pantheon in Rome (Britannica, Panthéon). Owing to its original function, the Panthéon is structured in the traditional cruciform fashion of a Christian church, with an east-facing entrance at the end of the long “arm”. The building possesses two features of particular note. The first of these is the dome, which like the dome of St. Paul’s Cathedral in London is placed atop a tholus (circular colonnade) of Corinthian columns, and whose design recalls the classically-inspired Tempietto of Bramante in Rome (Britannica, Tempietto). The second is its main facade, whose huge Corinthian triple colonnade supports a likewise-massive pediment that looms over the portico and the square it abuts. Despite the post-Revolutionary changes made to the structure, such as relief carvings depicting various heroes of the people and its rededication as a mausoleum for and memorial to the great citizens of France (Britannica, Panthéon), the Panthéon can be clearly read as a structure built in order to claim reason as an asset of the French crown. The visual scale of the building, emphasized by its tall, comparatively-narrow dome and the gigantic portico at its entrance, claims both space and attention for the building and therefore, by implication, the government with whose money it was built. Its cold style, meanwhile (the building is almost completely unornamented save for the Corinthian capitals of the columns) and perfect Classical proportions bring to mind a dispassionate rationality of the kind favored by the thinkers of the Enlightenment. The message is communicated simply and with great clarity: the government of France is an institution which highly values reason, and which one ought therefore to support, since according to certain strains of Enlightenment thought the most rational action one can take is to submit oneself to a rational authority. By positioning itself as that rational authority--as Voltaire’s “ideal monarch,” perhaps--the French crown was asserting that the new ideas being spread were fully in line with its continued rule. The fact of the French Revolution shows how well messages like this were taken, but nonetheless it is plainly evident that there has never been one single political philosophy which the Enlightenment could be said to unilaterally support.</text>
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                <text>Goya, Attributed to Francisco. Motin de Esquilache. between circa   and circa 1767 date QS:P571,+1766- -00T00:00:00Z/8,P1319,+1766-00-00T00:00:00Z/9,P1326,+1767-00-00T00:00:00Z/9,P1480,Q5727902 1766. Painting. Private collectioninstitution QS:P195,Q768717. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Esquilache_riots.jpg.&#13;
&#13;
D. A. Brading, The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State. Cambridge [England] ; New York, N.Y., USA: Cambridge University Press, 1991.&#13;
&#13;
Iris H. W. Engstrand. "The Enlightenment in Spain: Influences upon New World Policy." The Americas 41, no. 4 (1985): 436-44. doi:10.2307/1007350.&#13;
&#13;
Pedro de Zamora Hurtado, “The Situation in Seville (1652)” in Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, ed. Jon Cowans, (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 172&#13;
&#13;
Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, “On Spectacles and Public Entertainments (1790)” in Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, ed. Jon Cowans, (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 256&#13;
&#13;
J. Neumann, "Great Historical Events That Were Significantly Affected by the Weather: 2, The Year Leading to the Revolution of 1789 in France." Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society 58, no. 2 (1977): 163. http://www.jstor.org/stable/26218058.&#13;
&#13;
 “Laws of the Bourbon Monarchy” in Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, ed. Jon Cowans, (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 225</text>
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                <text>	In 1766, King Charles III implemented a policy banning long capes and broad-brimmed hats, despite the populace’s growing resentment towards rising prices (Brading, 536). Charles hoped the change in wardrobe would modernize the appearance of his people, with a transition to French three-cornered hats (Brading, 499). Instead, the result was a series of massive riots in March, the Esquilache Riots, that forced the King to flee and destroyed property throughout Madrid. By the end, the King was forced to listen to the rioters’ demands, firing several key figures and undoing the fashion reform (Engstrand, 439). Those key figures and the fashion law represented Charles’s attempt to reform the country, which took a big step back with the riots. Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos suggests that these reforms caused the riots, as he blames them on the government’s inability, “…to allow [the citizens] to entertain themselves” (Cowans, 256). In this interpretation, the government limited Spanish citizens’ ability to act as they pleased— in this case wear long capes and broad-brimmed hats— causing them to riot to get what they wanted. This interpretation is supported by the fact that citizens smashed many lamp-posts put in Madrid as part of the reforms, and asked in their demands for the fashion reform to be struck down. Therefore, resentment towards reform may have been a major reason for the riots. Yet, this reasoning ignores the presence of high prices. High prices were extremely influential in starting riots in this period, as Seville rioted in 1652 over bread prices and nearby France had its 1789 Revolution kicked off over protests against bread prices (Cowans, 172; Neumann, 163). Furthermore, other Bourbon reforms had been implemented since 1700, and continued past this point. Therefore, while the riots may have been a set-back, they didn’t end the reform movement, or seek to cause it any massive damage later (Cowans, 225).</text>
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                <text>The beginning of the 18th century saw the final years of the Enlightenment and the beginning of a new era defined by colonial expansion. If maritime history during the early modern period was characterized by exploration and conquest, the 19th century  was to be characterized by colonization. By the end of the early modern period, Europeans had already colonized most of the Americas, and had forts and trading posts all along the West Coast of Africa and throughout Southeast Asia (Wiesner-Hanks, 494). The following century would see the European takeover of India, Australia, and the partition of Africa that gave Europeans dominion over much of the world. Yet the end of the slave trade during this period and the liberal ideals of the Enlightenment seem an unusual environment for the growth in colonialism. &#13;
If fact, this incongruity has led to a historiographical debate over the actions and intentions of progressive thinkers during the Enlightenment and the role that they played in the establishment and longevity of Empire. Jonathan Israel, a scholar of the Radical Enlightenment, for example, emphasizes racial motivation for European dominion throughout the world, stating that the moderate Enlightenment leaders “often inclined to theories of racial superiority and European...superiority in civilization and religion...This was the usual method of explaining and justifying colonial rule and economic control” (Wolloch, 354). This theory suggests that the liberal principles of equality and liberty that supposedly defined the end of the 18th century were simply ignored when it came to groups of racial “others” which allowed for the justification of colonization of non-white areas. There is, however, another camp of scholars who claim that Enlightenment leaders who supported colonialism did so from a rational (albeit highly Eurocentric) perspective. Historians such as Jennifer Pitts have argued that the support of colonial rule was not based on race, but rather on the theory that only through colonization Europeans could bring development and Enlightenment to non-European societies. These historians cite the works of John Stuart Mill who wrote in his Principles of Political Economy that “it may be said without exaggeration that the great extent and rapid increase of international trade,...is the great permanent security for the uninterrupted progress of the ideas, the institutions, and the character of the human race” (Wolloch, 355). Historians such as Pitts view these ideas of the Enlightenment as an effort to progress humanity albeit a very paternalistic endeavor. While I would agree with Israel that these arguments seem to have few redeeming qualities and it would be far easier to simply put these inconsistencies down to blatant racism, Pitts makes a compelling case. The idea of a paternal Europe guiding her colonies seems reminiscent of the concern of Enlightenment thinkers whenever they came to the topic of giving too much power to the poor or uneducated. They often adopted this philosophy of guidance for fear that others lacked a capacity for important decision making. They felt it behooved them to take a leading role until such time as others are capable of these responsibilities, which is evocative of their comments about the necessity of colonization. &#13;
Regardless of the motivation of 18th century intellectual leaders, colonialism did come to define our modern concepts of race and to greatly exacerbate levels of racial inequality throughout the world (Wiesner-Hanks, 521). Hopes of assimilation held by men like Mill began to disappear when faced with the realities of Colonial life and the strengthened belief in the immutability of race (Wiesner-Hanks, 527). Instead, highly racialized systems of government were established that lasted throughout the colonial period. Remnants of these systems could be seen well into the 20th century in the form of Apartheid in South Africa and Segregation and Jim Crow laws in the United States. These forms of racial domination and European imperialism can trace their roots directly to the voyages and conquests of the early modern period, as Europe found a way to dominate the oceans and to create its version of a modern world. </text>
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                <text>In 1685 France revoked the Edict of Nantes which resulted in the flight 200,000 - 250,000 French Huguenots out of France (Laborie 5). Ironically, this act of intolerance prompted the start of the trend of state-sponsored religious tolerance that would persist throughout the Enlightenment. This is evident in Brandenburg where the elector, Frederick William, issued the Edict of Potsdam that same year (Laborie 5). This Edict offered religious toleration to the Huguenots (as well as other Protestant sects) and invited them to relocate to Brandenburg and enjoy the freedom of religion (Laborie 5). In the end, about 30,000 Huguenots relocated to Brandenburg (Laborie 5). &#13;
&#13;
However, this pre-Enlightenment wave of toleration should not be associated with the values of the Enlightenment itself. The main reason for this being that the Edict of Potsdam (and other edicts like it) were not passed out of the benevolence of the rulers, but rather their economic and political ambitions (Laborie 19). Brandenburg, for example, was left poor and depopulated following the 30 Years War (Wiesner-Hanks 351). When news broke of the massive numbers of people leaving France, Frederick (and other Northern European rulers) recognized this as an opportunity to rebuild their devastated holdings (Laborie 6). &#13;
&#13;
Regardless of the purpose of the Edict, Brandenburg benefited from the increase in population. The influx of people improved the economy and many of the French refugees became soldiers in the Prussian army (Wiesner-Hanks 352). Frederick William continued to expand Prussian power by adopting many absolutist policies, as seen in him forcing his territories to grant him permanent taxation rights (Wiesner-Hanks 351). All of this laid the foundations for a powerful Prussian state that would even go on to challenge the Hapsburgs, who had enjoyed uncontested dominance of the Holy Roman Empire for centuries. &#13;
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                <text>Thomas Sydenham is often referred to by the moniker “the English Hippocrates” a title granted to him for his reviving of Hippocratic methods and ideas about medicine and the treatment of diseases of every kind. A friend and coworker of Locke Sydenham is often cited as a key influencer on Locke’s ideas towards children and social welfare, as well as being on his own a key influence on English medicine as a whole (Hill). Sydenham was undoubtedly influenced by the Enlightenment, and shortly after his death a compendium of his entire publishing work was created. This book, the Entire Works of Dr. Thomas Sydenham covers a wide range of medical cases and presents the ideas and knowledge within in a distinctly enlightenment tone. Every description of a disease and the cures that successfully treated it are indexed and available for easy reference and understanding (Sydenham). Additionally, all of the writing is taken from Dr. Sydenham’s own personal observations and ideas. For many enlightenment thinkers at the time, in particular authors like Diderot enlightenment was something that could be achieved through education and observation. In this way Sydenham’s work shows a clear example of this enlightenment influence at work, rather than creating a medical journal for the benefit of the already medically educated his works emphasize the basic and easily understandable parts of medicine, and often focus on diseases and problems the average person might face; for example, his sections on fevers and the best methods for treating them. Sydenham’s work gives valuable insight into two important trends in this time, both the influence of Enlightenment thought throughout European society, and a glimpse into the ideas of a man who revolutionized English medicine. </text>
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                <text>Ethics by Benedict de Spinoza</text>
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                <text>Bendict (Baruch) de Spinoza</text>
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                <text>Adam Smart</text>
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                <text>1677</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;A key figure of the early radical Enlightenment was Benedict (or Baruch) Spinoza. After his philosophy alienated him from the Jewish community in Amsterdam to which he was born, Spinoza travelled throughout the Netherlands but avoided voicing his philosophical opinions. Ethics is his most significant work, but was published posthumously (Wiesner-Hanks 381).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;In Ethics, the early strands of what would later become the Radical Enlightenment can be seen. The following passage from Ethics illustrates a central tenet of Spinoza’s philosophy. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;(For the full text of Ethics, which is in the Public Domain, see: &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/3800"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/3800&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;PROP. XIV. Besides God no substance can be granted or conceived.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Proof.—As God is a being absolutely infinite, of whom no attribute that expresses the essence of substance can be denied (by Def. vi.), and he necessarily exists (by Prop. xi.); if any substance besides God were granted, it would have to be explained by some attribute of God, and thus two substances with the same attribute would exist, which (by Prop. v.) is absurd; therefore, besides God no substance can be granted, or, consequently, be conceived. If it could be conceived, it would necessarily have to be conceived as existent; but this (by the first part of this proof) is absurd. Therefore, besides God no substance can be granted or conceived. Q.E.D.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Corollary I.—Clearly, therefore: 1. God is one, that is (by Def. vi.) only one substance can be granted in the universe, and that substance is absolutely infinite, as we have already indicated (in the note to Prop. x.).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Corollary II.—It follows: 2. That extension and thought are either attributes of God or (by Ax. i.) accidents (affectiones) of the attributes of God. (Spinoza)&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;This passage illustrates the “Oneness” Spinoza identified in the universe. For Spinoza, the only substance which can exist or be considered in the universe is “God,” a substance which is infinite and makes up all parts of the universe. If any other substance existed, then it would have to be explained through the lens of God, which means it would be part of God. Spinoza also notable includes thought as a “attribute” of God. Spinoza’s wider argument declares (in leading up to the above proposition) that substances cannot create one another, and thus substances are created by themselves and their existences are inherently tied to their purposes, and thus the conception of God was not created by anything external but rather by God himself which verifies his existence (for Spinoza’s own wording to this effect, see the attached text and Proposition VII).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Spinoza’s works fall within a radical strain of Enlightenment thought. Jonathan Israel claims Spinoza as the “first major figure of the Radical Enlightenment,” (Israel 2010, 2). Spinoza’s interpretation of God contains elements of pantheism and determinism. If everything is God, the identification of this unifying substance may not actually align with an actual deity and instead just be a perception of “nature” (Wiesner-Hanks 381), a lack of distinction which extends towards atheism; Spinoza’s contemporary critics and associates often placed him in an atheistic light (Israel 2001, 163).  According to Israel, the natural consequence of Spinoza’s ideas was a society which was “more democratic, libertarian and egalitarian” (Israel 2010, 2; see also Israel 2001, 259-262). Spinoza’s place in the subsequent Enlightenment discourse was divided. Some thinkers such as Hume declared Spinoza’s view of God as a “hideous hypothesis” (quoted in Israel 2001, 159), while Radical Enlightenment thinkers such as La Mettrie and Diderot invoked Spinoza’s deterministic and materialist ideas (even while both thinkers outwardly criticized and decried the tenets of Spinozism. Israel 2001, 707-713). &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Situating Spinoza in the Netherlands presents an interesting view of the Enlightenment, which is normally focused on France and England. Alongside native thinkers, the Dutch principles of tolerance and free expression, attracted English and French thinkers to the region when their ideas did not adhere to the expectations of the more powerful English or French states. Figures such as Locke and Descartes wrote and published works in the Netherlands whose publication may have been difficult in their home countries of England and France (Wiesner-Hanks 344). While the French government attempted to censor the radical ideas of Spinoza and others, the freer publications in the Netherlands continued to circulate the texts, and banned writings were smuggled from the Netherlands to France (Israel 2001, 99). In a figure such as Spinoza, the Dutch proved to be in some senses ahead of the curve with the radical ideas they would tolerate for publication and discourse.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
Works Cited&lt;br /&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Israel, Jonathan I., &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Radical Enlightenment, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Israel, Jonathan,  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;A Revolution of the Mind&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E., “Cultural and intellectual life, 1600-1789” In &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;, 366-404. Cambridge University Press, 2013.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman</text>
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                <text>Mary Wollstonecraft</text>
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                <text>Cassidy Bins</text>
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                <text>Public domain.</text>
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                <text>The mainstream Enlightenment may have put an emphasis on individual liberties and free thought, but these ideas rarely extended to “second class” members of early modern European society, including women. Mary Wollstonecraft, a feminist philosopher and writer active during the Enlightenment, published this book as “the first explicit call for political rights to be extended to the female half of the population” (Wiesner-Hanks, 8). Part of what is considered the “radical Enlightenment,” Wollstonecraft’s work specifically advocated for the education and acceptance of women into “men’s” society.&#13;
&#13;
During the Enlightenment, women exercised their voices as writers and salon owners, but their role continued to be confined to the sphere of the home, where philosophers like Rousseau asserted such maternal personalities were necessary. Wollstonecraft’s ideas interacted with Locke’s, bringing forth the conflict between two reigning ideas of the mainstream Enlightenment: one, that reason was innate, and two, that women were inferior. Wollstonecraft’s publication as well as her role in society set the stage for future feminist writers and politicians.</text>
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Wiesner-Hanks, Merry. Early Modern Europe: 1450-1789. Cambridge University Press, 2013. Print.</text>
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                <text>John Locke's Essay Concerning Human Understanding</text>
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                <text>John Locke</text>
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                <text>A court physician, ethical thinker, and political player, John Locke’s ideas figured prominently in the mainstream Enlightenment. His Essay Concerning Human Understanding put forth his thoughts on the origin of human knowledge. He wrote that everyone is born as a “tabula rasa,” or “blank slate,” which had important implications for the prominence of education in society. According to Locke, our senses and perceptions provide a pathway for simple thoughts and then for complex thoughts. It is only then that we are able to reason, but once we reach this point, he argues, that we have to fight against our natural inclination to act contrary to what we know to be best for us. Moreover, humans are born with reason rather than acquire it through the events of their lives. However, reflection plays a large part in the effectiveness of turning perceptions or simple thoughts into complex ones, thereby warranting the usage of reason.&#13;
&#13;
Wiesner-Hanks writes that Locke “picked up on Francis Bacon’s emphasis on experience, observation, and sense perceptions as the true basis of knowledge,” alluding to the continuity of Bacon’s ideas throughout the Enlightenment and the increasing inclination of scholars to base their hypotheses about nature on the happenings of the physical world rather than on religious dogma (Wiesner-Hanks, 382).&#13;
&#13;
Locke’s writing during the Enlightenment represents the large conversation prominent thinkers engaged in, as well as the rise of political philosophy that he took part in. The reason he argued was born innate in every human had implications for politics of the era, and his ideas about private property -- and the limits to a monarchy’s power when it came to private property -- found new meaning in terms of opposing tyranny. However, his ideas formed the basis for the popular conviction that only property-owning people should be able to vote, which extended to America prior to the nineteenth century (Wiesner-Hanks, 383).</text>
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Wiesner-Hanks, Merry. Early Modern Europe: 1450-1789. Cambridge University Press, 2013. Print.</text>
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                <text>Public domain.</text>
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