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                <text>Ethics by Benedict de Spinoza</text>
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                <text>Bendict (Baruch) de Spinoza</text>
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                <text>Adam Smart</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;A key figure of the early radical Enlightenment was Benedict (or Baruch) Spinoza. After his philosophy alienated him from the Jewish community in Amsterdam to which he was born, Spinoza travelled throughout the Netherlands but avoided voicing his philosophical opinions. Ethics is his most significant work, but was published posthumously (Wiesner-Hanks 381).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;In Ethics, the early strands of what would later become the Radical Enlightenment can be seen. The following passage from Ethics illustrates a central tenet of Spinoza’s philosophy. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;(For the full text of Ethics, which is in the Public Domain, see: &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/3800"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/3800&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;PROP. XIV. Besides God no substance can be granted or conceived.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Proof.—As God is a being absolutely infinite, of whom no attribute that expresses the essence of substance can be denied (by Def. vi.), and he necessarily exists (by Prop. xi.); if any substance besides God were granted, it would have to be explained by some attribute of God, and thus two substances with the same attribute would exist, which (by Prop. v.) is absurd; therefore, besides God no substance can be granted, or, consequently, be conceived. If it could be conceived, it would necessarily have to be conceived as existent; but this (by the first part of this proof) is absurd. Therefore, besides God no substance can be granted or conceived. Q.E.D.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Corollary I.—Clearly, therefore: 1. God is one, that is (by Def. vi.) only one substance can be granted in the universe, and that substance is absolutely infinite, as we have already indicated (in the note to Prop. x.).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Corollary II.—It follows: 2. That extension and thought are either attributes of God or (by Ax. i.) accidents (affectiones) of the attributes of God. (Spinoza)&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;This passage illustrates the “Oneness” Spinoza identified in the universe. For Spinoza, the only substance which can exist or be considered in the universe is “God,” a substance which is infinite and makes up all parts of the universe. If any other substance existed, then it would have to be explained through the lens of God, which means it would be part of God. Spinoza also notable includes thought as a “attribute” of God. Spinoza’s wider argument declares (in leading up to the above proposition) that substances cannot create one another, and thus substances are created by themselves and their existences are inherently tied to their purposes, and thus the conception of God was not created by anything external but rather by God himself which verifies his existence (for Spinoza’s own wording to this effect, see the attached text and Proposition VII).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Spinoza’s works fall within a radical strain of Enlightenment thought. Jonathan Israel claims Spinoza as the “first major figure of the Radical Enlightenment,” (Israel 2010, 2). Spinoza’s interpretation of God contains elements of pantheism and determinism. If everything is God, the identification of this unifying substance may not actually align with an actual deity and instead just be a perception of “nature” (Wiesner-Hanks 381), a lack of distinction which extends towards atheism; Spinoza’s contemporary critics and associates often placed him in an atheistic light (Israel 2001, 163).  According to Israel, the natural consequence of Spinoza’s ideas was a society which was “more democratic, libertarian and egalitarian” (Israel 2010, 2; see also Israel 2001, 259-262). Spinoza’s place in the subsequent Enlightenment discourse was divided. Some thinkers such as Hume declared Spinoza’s view of God as a “hideous hypothesis” (quoted in Israel 2001, 159), while Radical Enlightenment thinkers such as La Mettrie and Diderot invoked Spinoza’s deterministic and materialist ideas (even while both thinkers outwardly criticized and decried the tenets of Spinozism. Israel 2001, 707-713). &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Situating Spinoza in the Netherlands presents an interesting view of the Enlightenment, which is normally focused on France and England. Alongside native thinkers, the Dutch principles of tolerance and free expression, attracted English and French thinkers to the region when their ideas did not adhere to the expectations of the more powerful English or French states. Figures such as Locke and Descartes wrote and published works in the Netherlands whose publication may have been difficult in their home countries of England and France (Wiesner-Hanks 344). While the French government attempted to censor the radical ideas of Spinoza and others, the freer publications in the Netherlands continued to circulate the texts, and banned writings were smuggled from the Netherlands to France (Israel 2001, 99). In a figure such as Spinoza, the Dutch proved to be in some senses ahead of the curve with the radical ideas they would tolerate for publication and discourse.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
Works Cited&lt;br /&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Israel, Jonathan I., &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Radical Enlightenment, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Israel, Jonathan,  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;A Revolution of the Mind&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E., “Cultural and intellectual life, 1600-1789” In &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;, 366-404. Cambridge University Press, 2013.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>	In the wake of the Protestant Reformation, Spain didn’t develop a major Protestant sect. Instead, many Protestant ideas were erased from public consciousness by the Spanish Inquisition, which encouraged the censure of texts and the murder or imprisonment of any who challenged the existing Catholic authority. Protestants weren’t the only group punished, as Jews and Muslims were also mostly tortured, killed, or forcibly removed from the country in an effort to consolidate royal Catholic power. The goal of the Inquisition was to prevent uprisings through a system of fear, wherein any could be punished for challenging existing ideas (Wiesner-Hanks, 108). For instance, during the 18th century, prominent intellectuals were prevented from spreading the ideas of Locke and other Enlightenment thinkers throughout Spain because Spanish rulers feared they could lead to rebellion (Goodman, 377). These intellectuals hoped the ideas would help modernize the country, but Spanish rulers feared they could breed challenges to their authority, like in America and France (Goodman, 377). The executions, as seen in the engraving, were a large part of enforcing the Inquisition and generated large public support at the start. A lot of this related to economic fears about new Christians— or Jewish converts— taking jobs away from Old Christians (Wiesner-Hanks, 109). These fears took a long time to abate, as the Inquisition only moved towards ending following the Invasion of Napoleon’s forces in 1808, after lasting almost 400 years.</text>
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                <text>“An Auto-Da-Fé of the Spanish Inquisition and the Execution of Sentences by Burning Heretics on the Stake in a Market Place. Engraving by B. Picart.” Europeana Collections. Accessed November 13, 2018. https://www.europeana.eu/portal/record/9200579/xwzjnmf8.html.</text>
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                <text>Merry E. Wiesner-Hanks, "Politics and Power, 1450-1600" in Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789, (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 108-109</text>
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                <text>David Goodman, "Intellectual Life under the Spanish Inquisition: A Continuing Historical Controversy." History 90, no. 3 (299) (2005): 375-86. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24427884.</text>
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                <text>While strategic marriages for either resources or power have always been present in European history, their importance during the renaissance cannot be understated. The marriages of Maximilian the I (top left) and subsequent marriages that he planned for his children exemplify this as they immensely expanded Habsburg influence in the Holy Roman Empire and Europe as a whole. This ambitious expansion of Habsburg power also ties into renaissance political beliefs, namely a shift in the balance of power from the Catholic Church to secular rulers. In the past secular rulers were always answerable to the pope. However, as time progressed, secular rulers more frequently put their own powers above those of the Catholic Church and people tended to view secular governments as having more political authority (Wiesner-Hanks 135). Therefore, Maximillian's ambitious and strategic attempts to expand his power can also be viewed through the lens of a ruler working to gain greater autonomy from the pope.&#13;
&#13;
The first major growth in Habsburg holdings was a result of Maximilian’s arranged marriage to Mary of Burgundy (top right) which, through Mary’s lack of brothers, resulted in Maximilian's heirs inheriting Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Burgundy (Skjelver and Wiesflecker). Maximilian continued the trend of strategic and powerful marriages by having both his son, Philip (top middle), and his daughter, Margaret, marry children of the king and queen of Spain, Ferdinand and Isabella (Skjelver and Wiesflecker). With the death of Margaret's husband John, the only son of Ferdinand and Isabella, Charles the V (bottom middle), the son of Philip and his wife Joanna and grandson of Maximilian, became the next in line to inherit the Spanish throne (Skjelver and Wiesflecker). So it came to be that Holy Roman Emperor Charles the V would end up inheriting all of the Hapsburg lands in addition to the Spanish throne, which effectively meant that he was ruling about half of Europe in addition to Spanish holdings in the Americas. The immense power and wealth the Hapsburgs gained through their strategic marriages helped them to continue their dynasty in the Holy Roman Empire until its collapse in the early 1800s.&#13;
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                <text>When Christopher Columbus landed in the Caribbean in 1492, he may not have found a heretofore undiscovered land, however, he did set into play a series of events that would forever alter the shape of history. Early accounts of the Spanish conquest often proposed a heroic myth of European superiority where relatively small numbers of Spaniards were able to defeat vast numbers of indigenous warriors due to exceptional characters and more advanced technology (Restall, 3). These early accounts were certainly heavily biased, however, these narratives have defined the basis of our understanding of the Spanish conquest for much of the intervening 500 years (Restall, 12). &#13;
One account that seems to diverge from this narrative (though it was certainly self-aggrandizing) is Bernal Díaz’s account of the conquest of Mexico which offered a far less heroic portrayal of the infamous conquistador Hernán Cortés. This work gave an account of the conquest of Tenochtitlán, the capital of the Aztec empire and their interactions with King Montezuma, and, though it was not published until after Díaz’s death, it has become a cornerstone for historians attempting to piece together the history of the fall of the Aztecs (Díaz, 44). The conquest of Mexico became symbolic of the larger Spanish conquest of the Americas and the success of Cortés served as an inspiration for future conquistadors looking for fame and wealth in the New World, eventually leading to Spanish domain over much of the Americas (Restall, 17). Of course, all of these accounts have historically focused on individual achievements and the accomplishments of exceptional men, while ignoring other, far more important factors (disease brought to the Americas being foremost among these) and tend to overstate the importance of Spanish conquistadors. In recent decades, we have come to understand the conquest of the Americas as vastly more complicated and uncertain than the early chroniclers suggested, yet these works have characterized our perceptions of Spanish conquest for centuries. They were part of the Spanish propaganda of economic and political dominance that they hoped to, and largely did, achieve through conquest in the New World. </text>
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                <text>Portrait of William III, Prince of Orange and Stadholder&#13;
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;This portrait of William III represents the interesting government which developed in the Dutch Republic following its independence from Spain. William III served as stadtholder of the Seven Provinces of the Netherlands from 1672-1702. The stadholder was an administrator who was appointed by the States General, which was the national assembly of the provinces. The role of stadtholder was distinct from that of monarch, although stadtholders were generally descendants of William the Silent (Wiesner-Hanks 344-345). The absence of a monarch in the Netherlands in an age of increasing absolutism had notable economic and social implications for the republic (Wiesner-Hanks 346).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;    &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;William III also connects the Netherlands to a wider world of politics, as he and his wife Mary became monarchs of England, Scotland, and Ireland, in 1688 with parliamentary support. The ascension of these monarchs led to a greater constitutional basis of government in the British Isles, and the eventual formation of Great Britain under their successor, Queen Anne (Wiesner Hanks 343). Thus despite the lack of a monarch in the Netherlands, the region continued to have an influence on dynastic and monarchical politics in western Europe through figures such as William. In a period of increasing absolutism, the Netherlands both resisted the control of monarchs and was involved in other constitutional and governmental changes abroad.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Works Cited:&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E. “Politics and power, 1600-1789” In &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;, 316-361. Cambridge University Press, 2013.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/90402/SK_C_194.html"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/90402/SK_C_194.html&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>This image is in the Public Domain. </text>
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                <text>Introduction to the Exhibit about Women and Gender in the Early Modern Europe</text>
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                <text>Changlan Wang</text>
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                <text>Pragmatic Sanction of 1713        &#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Charles VI</text>
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                <text>Andrew Fitch</text>
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                <text>In 1713 Holy Roman Emperor and ruler of Hapsburg lands Charles VI issued the pragmatic sanction. This edict overruled the long-standing imperial law against a woman inheriting states in the Holy Roman Empire and was necessitated by Charles’ lack of a male heir (Wiesner-Hanks 350). This document went on to gain the assent of some states both within the Holy Roman Empire and Europe as a whole. However, when Charles’ daughter, Maria Theresa, inherited Hapsburg holdings in 1740 many of these states withdrew their assent and attacked Austria resulting in the War of Austrian Succession (Wiesner-Hanks 351). &#13;
&#13;
Spain, Saxony, and Bavaria all rejected the pragmatic sanction in order to assert their own claims to Hapsburg lands. These claims were also supported by Austria’s long-time enemy: France (War of the Austrian Succession). Furthermore, Bavaria’s chief claimant was Holy Roman Emperor Charles VII, the first non-Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor in hundreds of years (War of the Austrian Succession). Lastly, Frederick II of Prussia, a rapidly growing German state known for its formidable army, seized the territory of Silesia from the Hapsburgs (War of the Austrian Succession). In the end, the death of Charles VII resulting in the return of the imperial title to the Hapsburgs, the growing costs of war, and several French defeats resulted in a truce (War of the Austrian Succession). &#13;
&#13;
The end result of this truce was Maria Theresa was recognized as the legitimate ruler of Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary (Wiesner-Hanks 351). All of this shows that entering the 18th century the Hapsburgs were able to maintain their influence and power in the Holy Roman Empire. However, unlike in the 17th century, Hapsburg power in the Holy Roman Empire was now being challenged.&#13;
&#13;
Prussia had also proven itself to be a great power in the War of the Austrian Succession. Despite Austria retaining much of its territory, Prussia was successful in seizing Silesia, one of the wealthiest provinces in Germany at this time (Wiesner-Hanks 351). As the 18th century progressed the political landscape of the Holy Roman Empire would no longer be characterized by Hapsburg dominance but rather by a struggle between the Hapsburgs and the Hohenzollerns.&#13;
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                <text>https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pragmatica_Sanc.jpg &#13;
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                <text>Protestantism had taken Germany by storm in the early 1500s. The Edict of Worms decreed in 1521 at the behest of Charles V declared Martin Luther a heretic and forbade anyone from supporting him, yet this did little to stop the rampant spread of Protestantism through Germany. Nine years later the already loosely united Germany was becoming more and more fractured as protestant political authorities were beginning to form military alliances throughout the nation. &#13;
&#13;
In an effort to bring some unity and consolidation into his empire, Charles the V summoned protestant princes to the Diet of Augsburg in 1530 with hopes to end the religious divide. At this diet, the princes produced the Augsburg Confession, a statement of faith drafted by Luther’s associate Melanchthon that contained the defining principles of Protestant faith (Wiesner-Hanks 181). These principles, like the belief that all should take part in the drinking of the blood of Christ during Eucharist and that salvation is achieved through faith alone, were irreconcilable with the Catholic faith (Wiesner-Hanks 170). Charles refused this text outright and demanded that all protestant princes return to Catholicism by a set deadline. However, instead of quelling the Lutheran princes, Charles's response further escalated the conflict. &#13;
&#13;
The threats of Charles V prompted the Protestant German princes to form a defensive military alliance known as the Schmalkaldic League (Wiesner-Hanks 181). At the core of this alliance was the Augsburg Confession, as entry into the league was based on one’s assent of this document. Thus Germany, on the verge of civil conflict, was left more splintered than ever. &#13;
	&#13;
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                <text>Signed by Clamor Adolph Theodor von dem Bussche, this letter legally granted the emancipation of a German serf named Johann Hermann Weymann in 1762. In one notable line, von dem Bussche proclaimed “freyheit; urkundlich meiner eigenhändigen”, or “freedom; documented by my own hand”. To peasants such as Weymann, this freedom signified economic mobility and protection from oppressive feudal obligations. &#13;
&#13;
Despite centuries of revolts and abolition movements, serfdom remained an entrenched facet of rural life in central and eastern Europe well into the eighteenth century. Such an institution posed a serious problem to Enlightenment thinkers, whose ideas of personal liberty and self-determination stood in stark contrast to the realities of feudalism. In an attack on serfdom in Franche-Comité, Voltaire demanded ”the complete abolition of this last trace of barbarous centuries” (O’Rourke, 424). However, attributing the changes in rural life to the Enlightenment is a very urban-centric approach that, in many ways, discounts the dramatic land reforms and developments of the rural economy. Indeed, peasants participating in this “agricultural enlightenment” would fundamentally transform the rural landscape for centuries to come. &#13;
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;O’Rourke, Shane. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;The Emancipation of the Serfs in Europe&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;. In David Etlis. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;The Cambridge World History of Slavery &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Freilassungsbrief_Weymann.jpg"&gt;https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Freilassungsbrief_Weymann.jpg&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license&#13;
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CC</text>
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              <text>Photo of a coin</text>
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                <text>Philip V Gold Coin</text>
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                <text>Coinman62</text>
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                <text>Teddy Wolfe</text>
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                <text>21 November 2006 (original upload date);&#13;
Coin is dated 1743.</text>
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                <text>	Early modern scholars were divided on the issue of controlling colonies in Spain. Some saw holding power over colonies as beneficial for the wealth they provided, while others saw them as a distraction.&#13;
	Colonies provided Spain with massive amounts of wealth. Between 1591 and 1600, treasure imported by Spain was worth approximately 14 million pesos (Hamilton, 464). Put into context, the colonial wealth accumulated between 1591-95 alone could pay the salaries and wages of all the persons in Spain for 21 and 1/3rd days (Hamilton, 464). Furthermore, many, like scholar Juan de Solórzano y Pereyra, believed it was Spain’s biblical duty to support colonization as a method of converting and civilizing Native Americans (Cowans, 164).&#13;
	Yet others disagreed, and wanted Spain to stop controlling colonies. These figures argued that an obsession with empire was the cause of Spain’s woes. As José Campillo y Cossío wrote in 1762, “The treasures Spain possess in America now do more harm than good. For nine-tenths [of the proceeds] go to foreign nations” (Cowans, 218). Campillo believed that the colonies were lucrative, but that they were woefully mismanaged— breeding corruption. Yet, he still believed they could be fixed. Adam Smith, on the other hand, simply believed in removing all support sent to the colonies, writing “The colonies of Spain and Portugal… give more real encouragement to the industry of other countries than to that of Spain and Portugal” (Smith). In other words, the colonies only helped themselves and weren’t worth the headache. &#13;
	In summary, all the scholars agreed that colonies were lucrative. The issue was whether or not their sometimes frustrating management was worth it, which was debated frequently. Beyond this argument, it is important to mention that these scholars weren’t the only ones studying the issue. There are entire schools of thought devoted to studying the impacts of colonialism— and not just on how it impacted Spain, but how it influenced the colonies themselves. Those ideas lie outside the scope of this passage, but are worth studying to truly understand the wide-spread impact of colonialism on different power dynamics.</text>
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                <text>Coinman62. English: Gold Half Escudo Coin of Philip V of Spain, Dated 1743.English: Χρυσό Νόμισμα Που Απεικονίζει Τον Φίλιππο Ε’ Της Ισπανίας. November 21, 2006. Transferred from en.wikipedia; transferred to Commons by User:MARKELLOS using CommonsHelper. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:PhilipVGoldCoin.jpg.&#13;
&#13;
Hamilton, Earl J. "Imports of American Gold and Silver Into Spain, 1503-1660." The Quarterly Journal of Economics 43, no. 3 (1929): 436-72. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1885920.&#13;
&#13;
Juan de Solórzano y Pereyra, “Indian Policy (1648)” in Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, ed. Jon Cowans, (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 163-167.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
José Campillo y Cossío, “A New Economic Policy for America (1762)” in Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, ed. Jon Cowans, (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 217-224.&#13;
&#13;
“Adam Smith From The Wealth of Nations 1776 The Cost of Empire &lt; 1776-1785 &lt; Documents &lt; American History From Revolution To Reconstruction and beyond.” Accessed November 13, 2018. http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/documents/1776-1785/adam-smith-from-the-wealth-of-nations-1776-the-cost-of-empire.php.</text>
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                <text>Public Domain</text>
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