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              <text>80.5 cm x 63 cm</text>
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                <text>Portrait of William III, Prince of Orange and Stadholder&#13;
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                <text>Caspar Netscher</text>
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                <text>Adam Smart</text>
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                <text>c. 1680-1684</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;This portrait of William III represents the interesting government which developed in the Dutch Republic following its independence from Spain. William III served as stadtholder of the Seven Provinces of the Netherlands from 1672-1702. The stadholder was an administrator who was appointed by the States General, which was the national assembly of the provinces. The role of stadtholder was distinct from that of monarch, although stadtholders were generally descendants of William the Silent (Wiesner-Hanks 344-345). The absence of a monarch in the Netherlands in an age of increasing absolutism had notable economic and social implications for the republic (Wiesner-Hanks 346).&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;    &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;William III also connects the Netherlands to a wider world of politics, as he and his wife Mary became monarchs of England, Scotland, and Ireland, in 1688 with parliamentary support. The ascension of these monarchs led to a greater constitutional basis of government in the British Isles, and the eventual formation of Great Britain under their successor, Queen Anne (Wiesner Hanks 343). Thus despite the lack of a monarch in the Netherlands, the region continued to have an influence on dynastic and monarchical politics in western Europe through figures such as William. In a period of increasing absolutism, the Netherlands both resisted the control of monarchs and was involved in other constitutional and governmental changes abroad.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Works Cited:&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E. “Politics and power, 1600-1789” In &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;, 316-361. Cambridge University Press, 2013.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/90402/SK_C_194.html"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/90402/SK_C_194.html&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>This image is in the Public Domain. </text>
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                <text>Portret van Jean-Jacques Rousseau</text>
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                <text>Jean François Garnerey</text>
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                <text>1791 - 1795</text>
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                <text>Garnerey, Jean François. Portret Van Jean-Jacques Rousseau. 1791 - 1795. Rijksmuseum, Netherlands.</text>
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                <text>Jean-Jacques Rousseau political theories were constructed off the foundation of Italian political thought. Throughout Rousseau’s historical and political writing, it is clear he is trying to present a favorable view of Machiavellian philosophy and he often tries to reconcile his own thoughts with that of Machiavelli (McKenzie 225). In Rousseau’s Social Contract he clearly references Machiavelli’s The Prince and The Discourses as a way to solve explain the role of lawgiver and how divine inspiration plays an important role (McKenzie 223). This can also be seen in Rousseau’s use of Machiavelli’s fortuna, which he uses “to expound his principles in theory”, because  “he was limited in the degree to which he could estimate their practicability” (McKenzie 224). Rousseau was clearly enthralled by Machiavelli’s works, which resulted in them playing such an important in his works during the enlightenment.&#13;
The Italian influence on Rousseau helped shape his political theories, which helped him develop into such an important enlightenment philosopher. His political idea of “general will” played an important role in the foundation of enlightenment political thought, which would be the crux of the plethora of Revolutions in the late 18th century (Delaney). His ideas also provide a larger context on the understanding of the enlightenment, where “general will” is directly tied to sovereignty, which focuses on the direction of the state should lead to the well being of the citizens, which further aligns itself with enlightenment philosophy (Delaney).&#13;
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                <text>Portret van John Locke</text>
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                <text>François Morellon La Cave </text>
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                <text>Kneller, Gottfried</text>
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                <text>1734</text>
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                <text>Morellon La Cave, François. Portret Van John Locke. 1734. Rijksmuseum, Netherlands.</text>
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                <text>John Locke is also heavily influenced by Machiavelli even though it is less apparent on the surface. Locke states in the Second Treatise that that have to be rules the guide and limit the power of a ruler. This is based off Machiavelli’s political theory that requires limitations to be set on a ruler, because he recognizes the problems of an unchecked ruler (Feasel). Locke then builds off this idea of checks on a ruler and develops his checks and balances system (Feasel). In addition to this idea of checks on the ruling authority or executive branch, Locke builds off Machiavelli’s ideas about private property. Machiavelli recognizes the need of private property and even goes as far to say, “You become hateful ... when you prey on the possessions and the women of your subjects. You should leave both alone.", which emphasises his understanding of the dangers of a leader who steals from the populace (Machiavelli 101). Locke continues off this idea by arguing that states do not have the right to take away private property with equal reimbursement. &#13;
Locke’s political thoughts drastically changed the landscape of Europe, which helped increase the privatization trend and urban development throughout Europe. However Locke also uses “property “to mean “life, liberty, and estate”, which he trying to reinforce the idea that an individual has the right to freedom and that the government can’t take that away the individuals rights (Wiesner Hanks 383). This was a revolutionary idea, which provided the foundation of the American and French revolutions. These political thoughts further helped spread other ideas in the enlightenment about freedom. The basis of Machiavelli’s political thought was the basis of the enlightenment and helped set about this new wave of ideas and further developed Europe. &#13;
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                <text>Portret van Martin Luther </text>
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                <text>Cornelis Koning</text>
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                <text>1608 - 1671</text>
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                <text>This engraving of Martin Luther depicts him mostly likely after he wrote the 95 thesis. The engraving of Martin Luther is shaped as an oval with Latin and Dutch sentences below it talking about Luther’s beliefs. This piece was likely used as propaganda for the Protestant cause in what is today the Netherlands. Luther appears well fed and comfortable in the painting, which indicates his status of living and was used to try and gain respect. It is interesting to note that there are no religious emblems on Luther, which indicates his separation from the church. The engraving also reflects Luther’s political importance. &#13;
Luther significantly altered the political landscape throughout Italy by separating from the church. Luther rocked rocked the Papal States with his critiques of the church and forced heated political discussions among church leaders, which can be seen with pope Julius III. In addition to this, the wars ranging from The German Peasant War of 1524-25 to the end of the Thirty Years War in 1648. (Wiesner Hanks 180). These religious roles drastic shaped the papal states political policy towards other european state, which led to a nearly continuous call for the eradication of the protestants from the Catholic church. The religious wars were more of a political strategy under the Papal States to try and retain their significant control over the other european states. This can be seen in the “complicated political maneuvering among many of the great power of Europe” where the Papal States broke alliances and tried to regain their sway over Europe (Wiesner Hanks 181). &#13;
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                <text>Koning, Cornelis. Portret Van Martin Luther. 1608-1671. Rijksmuseum, Netherlands.</text>
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                <text>Post medieval Spanish Coin</text>
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                <text>Seville Mint</text>
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                <text>Spain</text>
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                <text>1599</text>
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                <text>The Portable Antiquities Act</text>
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                <text>During the early 17th Century Europe underwent a large-scale currency crisis due in large part to the near constant state of war during the century. In no place was this more apparent than in Spain where the real had undergone tremendous inflation as result of the importation of silver from Spain’s New World holdings that had flooded the market with new coins (Elliott, 329). To make matters worse, the imports of silver began to drastically decrease during the 30 years war as a result of overexploitation in American, repeated appropriation by the Spanish government, and the resultant lack of confidence among Spanish merchants  (Elliott, 339). One of the clearest examples of Spain’s diminishing power during this period was its inability to control Brazil despite controlling Portugal. They were repeatedly unable to wrest control from the Dutch who had controlled Brazil since 1630 (Elliott, 333). &#13;
    These circumstances had profound impacts on Spain that forever changed the power structure of Europe and the Atlantic World. The economic breakdown of Spain coupled with its weak monarchy led to increased weakening in the structure of the already tenuous monarchy. Disagreements about taxes, protection, and government control led to  unrest in Andalusia (where Seville is located), Aragon, and Valencia, while Catalonia and Portugal were in open revolt. The loss of Portugal in 1640 as result of an internal revolt. (Cowans, 180). Portugal went on to be one of the strongest maritime powers during the remainder of the 17th century, eclipsing the former power of Spain. </text>
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                <text>Pragmatic Sanction of 1713        &#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Charles VI</text>
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                <text>Andrew Fitch</text>
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                <text>1713</text>
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                <text>In 1713 Holy Roman Emperor and ruler of Hapsburg lands Charles VI issued the pragmatic sanction. This edict overruled the long-standing imperial law against a woman inheriting states in the Holy Roman Empire and was necessitated by Charles’ lack of a male heir (Wiesner-Hanks 350). This document went on to gain the assent of some states both within the Holy Roman Empire and Europe as a whole. However, when Charles’ daughter, Maria Theresa, inherited Hapsburg holdings in 1740 many of these states withdrew their assent and attacked Austria resulting in the War of Austrian Succession (Wiesner-Hanks 351). &#13;
&#13;
Spain, Saxony, and Bavaria all rejected the pragmatic sanction in order to assert their own claims to Hapsburg lands. These claims were also supported by Austria’s long-time enemy: France (War of the Austrian Succession). Furthermore, Bavaria’s chief claimant was Holy Roman Emperor Charles VII, the first non-Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor in hundreds of years (War of the Austrian Succession). Lastly, Frederick II of Prussia, a rapidly growing German state known for its formidable army, seized the territory of Silesia from the Hapsburgs (War of the Austrian Succession). In the end, the death of Charles VII resulting in the return of the imperial title to the Hapsburgs, the growing costs of war, and several French defeats resulted in a truce (War of the Austrian Succession). &#13;
&#13;
The end result of this truce was Maria Theresa was recognized as the legitimate ruler of Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary (Wiesner-Hanks 351). All of this shows that entering the 18th century the Hapsburgs were able to maintain their influence and power in the Holy Roman Empire. However, unlike in the 17th century, Hapsburg power in the Holy Roman Empire was now being challenged.&#13;
&#13;
Prussia had also proven itself to be a great power in the War of the Austrian Succession. Despite Austria retaining much of its territory, Prussia was successful in seizing Silesia, one of the wealthiest provinces in Germany at this time (Wiesner-Hanks 351). As the 18th century progressed the political landscape of the Holy Roman Empire would no longer be characterized by Hapsburg dominance but rather by a struggle between the Hapsburgs and the Hohenzollerns.&#13;
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                <text>Machiavelli, Niccolo. Princeps. 1622. Sumptibus Haeredum Lazari Zetneri.</text>
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                <text>Italian politics throughout the early modern period are a complex matter with city states constantly trying to gain more prestige and power. Throughout this constant power struggle, princes were adapting various political ideas to create a more efficient state. Many of these princes and other leaders throughout europe would rely on the teachings of Niccolo Machiavelli, a political revolutionary during the late 13th and early 14th centuries. His ideas would play a vital role in the foundation of political thought concerning the security of states. &#13;
Both of these items, The Prince and The Florentine Histories provide valuable insight into the political ideas of Machieval and how they would eventually shape most of Europe. The Prince’s contributed significantly to political thought where various nobles such as Cesare Borigia, a powerful Italian prince, who helped set a precedence for Machiavelli’s political theory, by using “his own ruthlessness to build up a state in central Italy” (Wiesner Hanks 137). Other leaders such as Louis the XIV committed themselves to Machiavellian philosophy and use their power to encourage fear among the general populace and nobles. Machiavelli specifically mentions Ferdinand of Spain and uses him as an ideal image of a ruler, because he is able to maintain a strong political presence that helps stability to Spain (Machiavelli 132). This idea of a strong prince or authoritarian figure leading the state would persist throughout the early modern period and into the modern era. The Florentine Histories helped set about the beginning of modern historical documentation with his “devotion to facts” (Harvey Mansfield). Through these writings, Machiavelli established himself as a prominent political theoretician, but it was also an effort to try to stabilize the chaos of Italy and to regain favor with the Medicis.  &#13;
Machiavelli’s political ideas connect to the much broader extent of the Renaissance and the trend of important philosophical thoughts.  Machiavelli political message supported the idea that states could be independent of the Vatican could use and state, which resulted in European states gaining more power, while diminishing the churches influence. Machiavelli did however still support the church and its mission for spreading Christianity, he viewed it more as more of a Princes responsibility to focus on.</text>
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                <text>In 1579 the French surgeon Ambroise Paré published a series of drawings considered by many to be the first true attempts at creating functional prosthetic limbs. While prosthetics in some forms had existed for centuries before Paré’s work, they were very often crude and poorly formed, hooks for arms and pegs in place of legs (Hernigou). Paré however was the first to combine both mechanical engineering with a study of medicine and create a fairly functional, for the time, prosthetic hand. As the royal surgeon to four French kings Paré created innovative medical procedures at a time of difficult political situations for France and many other growing nation states throughout Europe. Like many others in the French government Paré benefited from a powerful absolutist monarch in France, he was given a large level of control over his own research and writings. His other works related to surgery, when and where it was useful, as well as his arguments against performing unnecessary procedures, such as fighting against the previous requirement of castration in order to cure hernias (Hernigou). In many ways Paré is a classic example of the nobles which surrounded the French monarch, both innovative and yet deeply tied to his government. He managed to stay in favor between many monarchs and nearly 30 years, but leveraged his position to perform research, and investigate real battlefield combat that may have been otherwise unattainable to him in any other position (Hernigou). </text>
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                <text>Completed in 1768 by J. June, this etching depicts licentiates of the Royal College of Physicians marching in protest at Warwick-Lane Castle in 1767. These “medical militants”, as the artist calls them, were expressing their grievances with the college’s changing policies as it intended to reform medical practices in industrialized England (Barnett, 39). While colonial expansion, industrialization, and the emergence of voluntary hospitals certainly placed medical experts in high demand, the field was also undergoing equally dramatic institutional reforms (Barnett, 40). &#13;
&#13;
Medicine, however, was just one sector of the economy experiencing profound changes throughout the eighteenth century. The arrival of new production processes and the expanded scope of markets were developments that began to permeate through nearly every facet of European society. With it came very vocal responses from laborers who sought protections from the ever changing economy. In this sense, the era fundamentally transformed the position of the laborer in the economic sphere. &#13;
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Barnett, Richard. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;Crucial Interventions: An Illustrated Treatise on the Principles &amp;amp; Practice of Nineteenth-century Surgery&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;. Thames &amp;amp; Hudson, 2015.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Jane, J.. Protesting licentiates marching to the Royal College of Physicians in 1767, 1768. Etching, Wellcome Collection. &lt;a href="https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/9200579/w3hggjzk.html?q=protesting+licentiates+"&gt;https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/9200579/w3hggjzk.html?q=protesting+licentiates+&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>	In “Reflections on the Revolution in France,” Edmund Burke critiques the revolution that had recently occurred in France as irrational and impractical. Burke, a pillar of 18th-century conservatism, advocated for a well-supported divine right monarchy and uses the French Revolution as an opportunity to re-spark an earlier debate in England about the “right” (or lack thereof) of the people of a state to overthrow their divine monarch. Burke distinctly opposes any such overthrowing or revolution, and instead advocates for incremental changes in government or society to promote stability. A similar distinction can be drawn between Socialism and Communism. Communism, being a radical form of socialism, argues for a revolution to implement the political changes which socialist ideology argues should be incrementally incorporated. Burke critiques Enlightenment thinkers as simplistically reducing societies’ inherent complexities to fit their own philosophies, which fueled much of the French Revolution. Such philosophies do not account for the great nuances of a state and society, argues Burke, and perhaps carelessly encourage sudden revolutionary changes which ultimately result in chaos and disorder. He points to the “Reign of Terror” in France following the revolution as an example of the instability and tyranny it had caused.&#13;
	Though Burke’s theories became widely influential in later conservatism, they were initially received poorly and with outrage in England. Burke was seen as a monarchical loyalist and deeply conservative and oppressive voice in English politics. In James Gillray’s political cartoon “Smelling Out a Rat,” printed shortly after “Reflections” was published, Gillray depicts Burke as a figure ascending from a mysterious smoke with a massive nose and inspecting spectacles, intended to expose an “atheistic revolutionary.” Burke holds a large cross in one hand and a crown in the other, reaffirming the narrative of his conservative advocacy of a supreme divine right monarchy. </text>
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                <text>The Rundetaarn, whose name is Danish for “Round Tower,” is a remarkable piece of   Early Modern architecture. This is not due to the technologies used to build it (which were standard for the time), nor its actual design (which is utilitarian and, frankly, somewhat dull), but instead the result of the fact that the Rundetaarn looms over Copenhagen as a symbol of the ways in which science, in this case astronomy, was increasingly valued by Early Modern leaders both secular and religious as a vital, or at least valuable, part of running their various domains. &#13;
&#13;
The Rundetaarn is a cylindrical tower attached to Copenhagen’s Trinitatis Church, built to serve as an astronomical observatory for the nearby University of Copenhagen (and to replace Uraniborg, the observatory complex of Tycho Brahe, after it was destroyed following the renowned astronomer’s fall from royal favor). The tower structure is built mostly of brick, stands about 136 feet in height, and is capped with an open platform surrounded by a fence on which astronomers would have been able to set up their various measuring devices without need to worry about buildings or trees impeding their view of the stars (Rundetaarn, Short History of the Tower). The areas of the tower not directly connected to the church are set with rows of Gothic-style windows arranged in columns of seven, and an arched cornice which contains smaller windows sits beneath the rim of the observation deck. The interior of the Rundetaarn is taken up mostly by a large ramp capable of allowing a horse-drawn carriage access to the top of the tower  (Rundetaarn, Short History of the Tower). Aside from this remarkable detail, though, the Rundetaarn is an architecturally uninteresting building which takes its cues not from contemporary Baroque or Northern Renaissance architecture but instead the architecture of the Late Medieval period. It could be argued that this was a deliberate choice, a counter-balancing of the new discoveries astronomy promised with the tradition of the past, or it could be that, since this was a building constructed to be useful, its Gothic aesthetic served to render it visually palatable with a minimum of elaboration. This latter explanation seems likelier when one considers that Denmark, as a Protestant country, would have valued the use value of a structure over pointless ornateness.&#13;
&#13;
Why, though, would the king of Denmark finance such a structure, and why attach it to a church? The answer lies in the very pragmatism referenced above. The Rundetaarn, though certainly an expensive and impressive building project, was first and foremost conceived of as a tool. It was, of course, a tool for scientists to observe the cosmos, but it was also a tool for Denmark’s political leadership. Allowing carriage access to the top would have been useful for carrying equipment, but it’s hard not to see that this was also a way for the kings of Denmark to lay claim to their version of the Rundetaarn-as-tool, its usefulness as a dedicated research institute which would bring prestige to the nation and provide its rulers with new, and potentially useful, knowledge. When the king rides his carriage up to your workplace using a staircase designed for that explicit purpose, you gain a pretty clear idea of the attitude he wants you to have towards him (i.e. one of respect and deference), and of the fact that the information you produce with your research had better be valuable to him. Similarly, the fact that the Rundetaarn was built as part of a church is a reflection of the fact that religious authority over science, and especially astronomy, was probably of particular concern during the era when the Rundetaarn was built. It’s likely that part of the reason for melding Christianity and science together (literally) by making the church and observation structures contiguous was the hope that doing so might avoid another Galilean catastrophe of ideological rebellion, reducing the cultural danger the Rundetaarn posed to the unity of Denmark. The function of the Rundetaarn was therefore to provide the benefits of a specialized astronomical research post to the Danish crown while ensuring that the astronomers working there posed no danger either to the monarchs they served or the Church whose cultural power their research might threaten. It is, in other words, a perfect encapsulation of the promises of and anxieties around natural philosophy and/or the nascent idea of “science” in the Early Modern period.&#13;
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Rundetaarn, Short History of the Tower, 2018. http://www.rundetaarn.dk/en/the-tower/facts/</text>
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        <src>https://earlymoderneurope.hist.sites.carleton.edu/files/original/d40446c48c297270c13a471a7e7e7c4d.jpg</src>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Saint Angela Merici </text>
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            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>Pietro Calzavacca</text>
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          <element elementId="37">
            <name>Contributor</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource</description>
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                <text>Changlan Wang</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>Mid-19th century</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>A religious educator as depicted in this picture, Angela Merici (1474-1540) was the founder of the Company of St.Ursula, “a group of lay single women and widows [who are] dedicated to the poor” (Wiesner-Hanks, 189). The company “received papal authorization, and later in the century became a religious order focusing increasingly on girls’ education” (Weisner-Hanks, 189). However, they were under increasing pressure to become cloistered nuns after being a religious organization. &#13;
The story of Angela Merici and the Ursulines reflects multiple layers of social construct around women during the religious reformation. The facts that the Ursulines are mostly “single women and widows” and they were soon under pressure to became nuns indicate that worldly religious women weren’t really an option. Woman is either wife in a household or a nun. However, since men were still the dominant force in the debate about religion, the population of women priest and nuns were relatively small. Thus, this again emphasizes women’s importance in a household. When Jesuits and other priests preached under the threat of arrest and execution in England, “they were often sheltered by women from prominent Catholic families,” because according to common law, married women “controlled no property and imprisoning a woman would disrupt family life” (Wiesner-Hanks, 189). &#13;
Similarly, in the Protestant point of view, marriage and women’s role in a household are just as important. Marriage was considered to serve as a “‘remedy for the unavoidable sin of lust,” to “provide site for the pious rearing of the next generation of God-fearing Christians”, and to “offer companionship and consolation” (Wiesner-Hanks, 179). Women are the crucial formation of such family unit with “the proper social hierarchy of husbandly authority and wifely obedience” (Wiesner-Hanks, 179). &#13;
Thus, in the religious reformation, women were not expected to participate as actively as men; however, they were considered to be an indispensable part of family life, which lots of religious learning and progression were made around. </text>
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            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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                <text>Calzavacca, Pietro. Saint Angela Merici. 1850s. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Saint_Angela_Merici.jpg.&#13;
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            <name>Rights</name>
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                <text>Public Domain</text>
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        <name>Religion</name>
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        <name>Religious Reformations</name>
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