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                <text>Panthéon, Paris</text>
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                <text>Photograph: Camille Gevaudon&#13;
Architect: Jacques-Germain Soufflot</text>
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                <text>Brendan Glenn</text>
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                <text>The philosophy of the Enlightenment is nothing if not versatile. This can be readily observed in the contemporary world, with every side of any political fight claiming that “rights” and “reason” lend support to their arguments. This modern pervasiveness of Enlightenment thinking is perhaps a testament to its versatility, since no system of philosophy would be accepted by almost everybody if it couldn’t be adapted to serve a wide variety of ideologies. There is little better evidence for this fact than the popularity of Neoclassical architecture in pre-Revolutionary France. Despite the fact that we in the modern day often associate the Enlightenment with the birth of democratic ideals, notions of innate equality, and other necessarily anti-monarchical notions, many absolutist monarchs, noblemen, and other necessarily pro-monarchy people were very much enamored with Enlightenment thought. Voltaire famously believed that the best leader was an “ideal monarch,” and Catherine the Great of Russia, who corresponded with Voltaire in her youth, was famous for being “enlightened” (though she banned many of his books in her later life) (Britannica, Catherine the Great). Likewise, these leaders and their supporters were fans of the same Enlightenment-inspired Neoclassical architecture which would come in later years to be associated with radical democracies. Thus, there exists in Paris a building called the Panthéon, a Neoclassical structure built in the run-up to the French Revolution by the governments of Louis XV and Louis XVI.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Neoclassical architecture was well-liked during the Enlightenment for several reasons, including but not limited to nostalgia for the work of the Renaissance and a renewed interest in the Classical world, but the primary draw was that the perfect proportions and geometric regularity of Neoclassical structures seemed to be expressions of pure reason, that highest of Enlightenment virtues, in the physical world. The Paris Panthéon, like other Neoclassical buildings built under royal regimes, claimed that reason for the monarchical state. &#13;
&#13;
The Panthéon, built starting in 1757 and completed in 1790 (Britannica), is a large mausoleum built from white marble. Initially conceived of as a church, it was reconsecrated as a secular structure after the Revolution and renamed the “Panthéon” due to its design, which was partly modeled on the Pantheon in Rome (Britannica, Panthéon). Owing to its original function, the Panthéon is structured in the traditional cruciform fashion of a Christian church, with an east-facing entrance at the end of the long “arm”. The building possesses two features of particular note. The first of these is the dome, which like the dome of St. Paul’s Cathedral in London is placed atop a tholus (circular colonnade) of Corinthian columns, and whose design recalls the classically-inspired Tempietto of Bramante in Rome (Britannica, Tempietto). The second is its main facade, whose huge Corinthian triple colonnade supports a likewise-massive pediment that looms over the portico and the square it abuts. Despite the post-Revolutionary changes made to the structure, such as relief carvings depicting various heroes of the people and its rededication as a mausoleum for and memorial to the great citizens of France (Britannica, Panthéon), the Panthéon can be clearly read as a structure built in order to claim reason as an asset of the French crown. The visual scale of the building, emphasized by its tall, comparatively-narrow dome and the gigantic portico at its entrance, claims both space and attention for the building and therefore, by implication, the government with whose money it was built. Its cold style, meanwhile (the building is almost completely unornamented save for the Corinthian capitals of the columns) and perfect Classical proportions bring to mind a dispassionate rationality of the kind favored by the thinkers of the Enlightenment. The message is communicated simply and with great clarity: the government of France is an institution which highly values reason, and which one ought therefore to support, since according to certain strains of Enlightenment thought the most rational action one can take is to submit oneself to a rational authority. By positioning itself as that rational authority--as Voltaire’s “ideal monarch,” perhaps--the French crown was asserting that the new ideas being spread were fully in line with its continued rule. The fact of the French Revolution shows how well messages like this were taken, but nonetheless it is plainly evident that there has never been one single political philosophy which the Enlightenment could be said to unilaterally support.</text>
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https://www.britannica.com/topic/Pantheon-building-Paris-France&#13;
&#13;
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Catherine-the-Great&#13;
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https://www.britannica.com/topic/Tempietto</text>
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                <text>Photograph: Emilio J. Rodriguez Pasada&#13;
Architect: Juan de Villanueva</text>
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                <text>Neoclassical architecture, which looked not to the Renaissance for its inspiration as the preceding baroque and rococo styles had, but instead to the classical world, was Enlightenment philosophy realized as marble and glass. Like their counterparts in the Renaissance, neoclassical architects believed that applying mathematical ratios and ideal geometries when creating their work allowed them to create beauty. The difference between the two groups was that while the ideals of the Renaissance centered around mathematics as inherently beautiful and held that replication of the classical world’s techniques was a means for producing ideal art, neoclassical theory was concerned less with the physical beauty of a structure and more with its symbolic meaning. This is not to say that neoclassical buildings are ugly, but instead that their beauty and their references to classical work were intended to reflect reason, which was held by the Enlightenment-inspired neoclassicists to be the root of all knowledge and virtue. The mathematical purity, clean lines, and stark white materials characteristic of neoclassicism therefore managed to do something that not even the extravagant architects of the baroque period had managed to accomplish: for the first time since the Renaissance, European architecture began to properly shake loose the conventions of the classical world. The design of the Museo del Prado in Madrid, and specifically of its facade looking out onto the Paseo del Prado, is physical evidence for the beginning of this process.&#13;
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This argument may seem a bit confusing. After all, neoclassicism was definitionally classical; leaving aside the fact that “classicism” is in the name of the movement, the style’s clear fondness for columns, white marble, “perfect” mathematical designs, and other hallmarks of classical design indicate that neoclassicism did anything but turn away from the Greco-Roman tradition. The Museo del Prado’s facade would likewise appear to back this reading of neoclassicism up: commissioned by Spain’s King Charles III and built starting in 1785 by the architect Juan de Villanueva, the museum which now houses the world’s largest collection of Spanish art was initially designed as the home for Spain’s national Natural History Cabinet, and it looks the part (Museo del Prado, History of the Museum). On the building’s facade, a portico supported by large columns projects out towards the Paseo del Prado. This portico is topped by a relief carving and set against a wall composed of statue-filled niches beneath second-floor windows that are framed on either side by the columns of an Ionic colonnade. Save the occasional use of red brick, the facade is almost entirely made of white marble, and one could be forgiven for mistaking it at first glance for some misplaced and renovated Roman basilica. Then, however, the discrepancies between the Prado’s style and that of the Romans (or the Renaissance) would start to become noticeable. &#13;
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For one thing, though the columns abutting the second-story windows are Ionic, they are smoothly cylindrical rather than fluted, and the large columns supporting the portico are Tuscan, the simplest of the ancient orders. Moreover, the facade’s pediment is rectangular, not triangular. This is an earth-shattering design choice. It is difficult to explain how irregular a rectangular pediment is from a classicist perspective, except to say that it’s a bit like seeing a Spanish Colonial building whose arches are square, or an American suburban house with a flat roof. In the classical tradition, one simply does not make a pediment rectangular. It might not even be proper to call such features “pediments.” Either way, though, the Prado’s pediment is indeed rectangular, which communicates a key feature of neoclassical architecture: though neoclassicism was inspired by classicism, it was not beholden to it. Villanueva designed the Prado to house a museum, but he also wanted to create a rational building. White marble and clean lines helped to achieve that, but so would replacing the traditional silhouette-interrupting triangular pediment with a flat, rectangular one. That, therefore, is what Villanueva did. If rational design, if the ideals of the Enlightenment, seemed to require that some pieces of classical tradition be abandoned, then that was something neoclassical architects were prepared to do. Not every neoclassical building does this, of course, nor would this change come quickly, but the Prado’s clean, flat, rectilinear design reflects the beginning of a shift away from early modern Europe’s idolization of classical design and towards, arguably, the simple, purely geometric aspirations of Modernism and the advent of the International Style some 200 years after the Prado’s construction. &#13;
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                <text>History of the Museum, Museo del Prado, 2018. https://www.museodelprado.es/en/museum/history-of-the-museum&#13;
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https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Museo_del_Prado_2016_(25185969599).jpg</text>
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                <text>Florence Cathedral (Cattedrale di Santa Maria del Fiore)&#13;
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                <text>Begun 1296, dome completed 1434, facade completed 1887</text>
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                <text>The Florence Cathedral, officially called the Cattedrale di Santa Maria del Fiore (the Cathedral of Saint Mary of the Flower) and usually simply referred to as “il Duomo,” or “the Cathedral,” is arguably the Florentine building. It has earned this reputation largely because of its titanic dome, which, aside from being the largest in the world at the time of its construction, also serves as one of the city’s chief landmarks. That dome, built from 1418 to 1434 under the direction of the architect Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446), was placed on top of an earlier Gothic cathedral structure designed by Arnolfo di Cambio (1240-1310), whose construction began in 1296. This combination produces perhaps the most potent symbol of the fledgling Renaissance: the sight of a dome built “based to some degree on Roman domes” like the Pantheon (Wiesner-Hanks, 141) soaring into the sky over an older cathedral formed from groin vaults and pointed Gothic arches. The new culture, here, literally surmounted the old.&#13;
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The novel architectural techniques that would come to prominence in the following years, based on advanced geometry and precise engineering and inspired by classical buildings and Vitruvius’ Architecture, weren’t “direct descendants” (as it were) of Brunelleschi’s design for the Florence Cathedral’s dome; the ingredients for Renaissance architecture were already present by the time construction began. At the same time, however, the massive dome leaves a shadow that is both metaphorically and physically long. It is hard not to see il Duomo as the beginning of a new architectural paradigm, especially given its location at the center of the city where the Renaissance first truly blossomed. Even Vasari, who dismissed the work of Early Renaissance architects, felt compelled to justify this dismissal by saying that the “fineness and excellence” (Vasari, 91) of Brunelleschi’s work on the Florence Cathedral made him an outlier among his contemporaries. The fact that this building is a cathedral is also of note, considering that it’s a perfect example of the involvement of Church money in sponsoring the architectural adventures of the Renaissance.</text>
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                <text>Photograph: Giuseppe Mondi&#13;
Architects: Filippo Brunelleschi, Arnolfo di Cambio</text>
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                <text>https://unsplash.com/photos/Qq1fwSLM0N0&#13;
&#13;
Merry Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe&#13;
&#13;
Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Artists</text>
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                <text>Rundetaarn&#13;
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                <text>Photograph: Laurids de Thurah&#13;
Architect: Unknown (Danish)</text>
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                <text>The Rundetaarn, whose name is Danish for “Round Tower,” is a remarkable piece of   Early Modern architecture. This is not due to the technologies used to build it (which were standard for the time), nor its actual design (which is utilitarian and, frankly, somewhat dull), but instead the result of the fact that the Rundetaarn looms over Copenhagen as a symbol of the ways in which science, in this case astronomy, was increasingly valued by Early Modern leaders both secular and religious as a vital, or at least valuable, part of running their various domains. &#13;
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The Rundetaarn is a cylindrical tower attached to Copenhagen’s Trinitatis Church, built to serve as an astronomical observatory for the nearby University of Copenhagen (and to replace Uraniborg, the observatory complex of Tycho Brahe, after it was destroyed following the renowned astronomer’s fall from royal favor). The tower structure is built mostly of brick, stands about 136 feet in height, and is capped with an open platform surrounded by a fence on which astronomers would have been able to set up their various measuring devices without need to worry about buildings or trees impeding their view of the stars (Rundetaarn, Short History of the Tower). The areas of the tower not directly connected to the church are set with rows of Gothic-style windows arranged in columns of seven, and an arched cornice which contains smaller windows sits beneath the rim of the observation deck. The interior of the Rundetaarn is taken up mostly by a large ramp capable of allowing a horse-drawn carriage access to the top of the tower  (Rundetaarn, Short History of the Tower). Aside from this remarkable detail, though, the Rundetaarn is an architecturally uninteresting building which takes its cues not from contemporary Baroque or Northern Renaissance architecture but instead the architecture of the Late Medieval period. It could be argued that this was a deliberate choice, a counter-balancing of the new discoveries astronomy promised with the tradition of the past, or it could be that, since this was a building constructed to be useful, its Gothic aesthetic served to render it visually palatable with a minimum of elaboration. This latter explanation seems likelier when one considers that Denmark, as a Protestant country, would have valued the use value of a structure over pointless ornateness.&#13;
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Why, though, would the king of Denmark finance such a structure, and why attach it to a church? The answer lies in the very pragmatism referenced above. The Rundetaarn, though certainly an expensive and impressive building project, was first and foremost conceived of as a tool. It was, of course, a tool for scientists to observe the cosmos, but it was also a tool for Denmark’s political leadership. Allowing carriage access to the top would have been useful for carrying equipment, but it’s hard not to see that this was also a way for the kings of Denmark to lay claim to their version of the Rundetaarn-as-tool, its usefulness as a dedicated research institute which would bring prestige to the nation and provide its rulers with new, and potentially useful, knowledge. When the king rides his carriage up to your workplace using a staircase designed for that explicit purpose, you gain a pretty clear idea of the attitude he wants you to have towards him (i.e. one of respect and deference), and of the fact that the information you produce with your research had better be valuable to him. Similarly, the fact that the Rundetaarn was built as part of a church is a reflection of the fact that religious authority over science, and especially astronomy, was probably of particular concern during the era when the Rundetaarn was built. It’s likely that part of the reason for melding Christianity and science together (literally) by making the church and observation structures contiguous was the hope that doing so might avoid another Galilean catastrophe of ideological rebellion, reducing the cultural danger the Rundetaarn posed to the unity of Denmark. The function of the Rundetaarn was therefore to provide the benefits of a specialized astronomical research post to the Danish crown while ensuring that the astronomers working there posed no danger either to the monarchs they served or the Church whose cultural power their research might threaten. It is, in other words, a perfect encapsulation of the promises of and anxieties around natural philosophy and/or the nascent idea of “science” in the Early Modern period.&#13;
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Rundetaarn, Short History of the Tower, 2018. http://www.rundetaarn.dk/en/the-tower/facts/</text>
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                <text>Kaan Taskintuna</text>
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                <text>The Bank of Amsterdam was originally a town hall, but was converted into a bank by the city of Amsterdam in the year 1609. The Bank of Amsterdam is considered to be the first modern central bank. As the Netherlands entered the Dutch Golden Age in the 17th century, Amsterdam became one of the economic centers of Europe. Thanks to the massive blossoming of trade with the operations of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), coins from different countries and regions were circulating in the Dutch economy. It is also worth noting that VOC was the first multinational corporation, and it drove the Netherlands to becoming an economic superpower. However, a system to determine exchange rates was not there. The Amsterdam Wisselbank was the solution to create a more efficient and safer facilitation of trade. The creation of this first modern bank in Amsterdam can be viewed as a milestone in both Europe's economic history, and a symbol of Dutch economic triumph.&#13;
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Once obscure, Amsterdam was now a center of trade. While countries like Spain and France were struggling, Netherlands was becoming an economic leader in Europe.&#13;
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References:&#13;
"Amsterdam: Capital of the Golden Age." Visit Holland: The Netherlands Board of Tourism. November 01, 2018. Accessed November 18, 2018. https://www.holland.com/global/tourism.htm.&#13;
Wiesner, Merry E. “Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789.” Cambridge History of Europe ; v. 2. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006.&#13;
"The Bank of Amsterdam." Beurs Geschiedenis. April 13, 2017. Accessed November 18, 2018. https://www.beursgeschiedenis.nl/en/moment/the-bank-of-amsterdam/.&#13;
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                <text>https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amsterdam_Wisselbank#/media/File:Saenredam_-_Het_oude_stadhuis_te_Amsterdam.jpeg&#13;
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                <text>Image of La Mère Angélique, 1662</text>
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                <text>Pieter van Schuppen (1627-1702)</text>
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                <text>1662</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Portret van Marie Angelique Arnauld, Pieter van Schuppen, naar Philippe de Champaigne, 1662&lt;/em&gt;, from Rijksmuseum. Original image &lt;a href="https://www.rijksmuseum.nl/nl/collectie/RP-P-1885-A-9476" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
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                <text>Public Domain, with full license &lt;a href="https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
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                <text>Pictured in this engraving is Marie Angélique Arnauld, who served as abbess of the Abbey of Port-Royal near Paris. She was a leading proponent of Jansenism, a theological movement in seventeenth century France. It emphasized the reading of Scripture by the laity, personal virtue, and Calvinist ideas on predestination and free will. In this engraving, the Latin text on the book appears to be a translation of Matthew 6:33: “But seek ye first the kingdom of God, and his righteousness; and all these things shall be added unto you.” The Jansenists disputed fiercely with the French Jesuits, who enjoyed royal patronage.&#13;
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Pope Innocent X condemned several specific teachings in 1653 in his bull Cum occasione, and later popes renewed their attacks on Jansenist teachings, ending in 1713 with Clement XI’s Unigenitus, which issued a comprehensive repudiation of Jansenist principles (Wiesner-Hanks, 416-417).&#13;
&#13;
Jansenism offers a specific example of dissenting movements within the Catholic Church and the authority the papacy brought to bear in condemning the movement reinforces the heft popes possessed in spiritual matters. Jansenism was not an “Enlightenment” movement, but it is also an interesting case study in considering the dispute between historian Jonathan Israel, who sees the Radical Enlightenment as truly embodying the popular notions of the Enlightenment, and others like Nathaniel Wolloch who contend the mainstream Enlightenment’s influence cannot be discounted. Jansenism’s inherent skepticism of papal authority in the Church was never extinguished from the Church in France, and Louis XIV drew on this principle in later decades as he fought for Gallican ecclesiastical autonomy from Rome. This small example illustrates the influence more moderate strains of thought can have on intellectual movements.</text>
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                <text>Saint Angela Merici </text>
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                <text>Pietro Calzavacca</text>
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                <text>Changlan Wang</text>
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                <text>Mid-19th century</text>
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                <text>A religious educator as depicted in this picture, Angela Merici (1474-1540) was the founder of the Company of St.Ursula, “a group of lay single women and widows [who are] dedicated to the poor” (Wiesner-Hanks, 189). The company “received papal authorization, and later in the century became a religious order focusing increasingly on girls’ education” (Weisner-Hanks, 189). However, they were under increasing pressure to become cloistered nuns after being a religious organization. &#13;
The story of Angela Merici and the Ursulines reflects multiple layers of social construct around women during the religious reformation. The facts that the Ursulines are mostly “single women and widows” and they were soon under pressure to became nuns indicate that worldly religious women weren’t really an option. Woman is either wife in a household or a nun. However, since men were still the dominant force in the debate about religion, the population of women priest and nuns were relatively small. Thus, this again emphasizes women’s importance in a household. When Jesuits and other priests preached under the threat of arrest and execution in England, “they were often sheltered by women from prominent Catholic families,” because according to common law, married women “controlled no property and imprisoning a woman would disrupt family life” (Wiesner-Hanks, 189). &#13;
Similarly, in the Protestant point of view, marriage and women’s role in a household are just as important. Marriage was considered to serve as a “‘remedy for the unavoidable sin of lust,” to “provide site for the pious rearing of the next generation of God-fearing Christians”, and to “offer companionship and consolation” (Wiesner-Hanks, 179). Women are the crucial formation of such family unit with “the proper social hierarchy of husbandly authority and wifely obedience” (Wiesner-Hanks, 179). &#13;
Thus, in the religious reformation, women were not expected to participate as actively as men; however, they were considered to be an indispensable part of family life, which lots of religious learning and progression were made around. </text>
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                <text>Calzavacca, Pietro. Saint Angela Merici. 1850s. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Saint_Angela_Merici.jpg.&#13;
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                <text>Pietro de Crescenzi, translation by Jean Corbechon</text>
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                <text>Zach Irvin</text>
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                <text>c. 1478-1480</text>
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                <text>Written in 1302, Pietro de Crescenzi’s famous “Ruralia Commodia” offers a unique perspective on rural peasant life in the early modern era. This particular illustration depicting two peasant men mowing hay was included in the book’s first publication and was widely distributed throughout Europe as a sort of gardening and horticulture manual. In fact, Henry VIII was said to have a copy of this very book in his personal library (Carley, 292). &#13;
&#13;
The development of merchant capitalism brought sweeping changes to rural life across Europe. With it came a fundamental reorganization of capital distribution and ownership structures. As Merry Wiesner-Hanks put it, “any discussion of the European economy must begin in the countryside” (Wiesner-Hanks, 206). And, indeed, the end of serfdom in rural Europe fundamentally transformed ideas of private property and ownership and marked the beginning of capitalism as we know it. &#13;
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                <text>Pietro de Crescenzi. Peasants Mowing, 1478-1480, The British Library. &lt;a href="https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/9200397/BibliographicResource_3000126283275.html?q=peasants+mowing+"&gt;https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/9200397/BibliographicResource_3000126283275.html?q=peasants+mowing+&lt;/a&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E. Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789. Cambridge University Press, 2006. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Carley, James P. "The Libraries of King Henry VIII : An Update of the Westminster Inventory of 1542." The Library 16, no. 3 (2015): 282-303.</text>
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                <text>Moses Jehng</text>
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                <text>c. 380 BCE</text>
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                <text>Within The Republic, Plato sought to answer questions regarding ethics and to design an ideal government. For this item, The Republic will largely be discussed in terms of its political theory. His conception of justice, morality, and metaphysics can be found in the item “Plato.”&#13;
Monarchy being the common form of government in Early Modern Europe, the relevance of Plato’s The Republic can be found in his advocacy for monarchy. During his lifetime, Plato believed that it was the bad judgement of the Athenians (realized by democracy) that led to his master Socrates’ execution and the beginning and prolongation of the Peloponnesian War. As such, he claims that while a democracy is undisciplined and lacks effective direction (especially since he saw most people as easily swayed and intellectually inferior), a monarchy with a virtuous and enlightened leader is the ideal form of government (Book VIII). He calls this an "aristocracy." This government would be just, allowing each member to live out a virtuous life in the way uniquely designed for them and for the productivity of society (Book IV).&#13;
The Early Modern Period lies witness to the preservation and reconceptualization of Plato’s propositions in the Republic, the one notable example being that of Machiavelli’s The Prince (see Princeps in the collection “Political Developments and Diffusion in Early Modern Italy”). Written to outline the behavior of an effective monarch, Machiavelli’s The Prince indirectly extends certain concepts put forth by Plato whilst reevaluating and sometimes rejecting others. In Book VI of The Republic, Plato calls for rulership by a virtuous and learned individual he calls a philosopher-king. Good virtue, according to Plato, translates to good judgement. Chapter 9 and 14-19 in particular of The Prince (in addition to most of the text) echo Plato’s sentiments regarding the importance of a learned individual as ruler. However, while Plato’s portrait of the philosopher king was lacking much in terms of political and practical knowledge (focusing on virtue), Machiavelli strengthens Plato’s arguments in these areas. Diplomacy and warfare, he argues, are practices that are necessary to the thriving of a state and require an educated monarch to be effectively conducted. Without an educated leader who rises through this merit (the opposite being the short-lived ruler who rises through circumstance), Machiavelli anticipates the decline of the state and its people (Chapters 6-8). On a larger scale, their call for an educated leader can later be seen in the robust education undergone by the monarchs of Early Modern Europe. Queen Isabella of Spain was celebrated for her learned background (Cowans). Cosimo de Medici sponsored the reestablishing of Plato’s Academy in Florence, embodying his firm belief in the importance of education (Durant).&#13;
That being said, one area of contention between the two is found in the importance of virtue in the monarch. For Plato, the role of virtue is uncontestable—without virtue, the ruler will not make good judgements. Machiavelli, however, posits the distinction between virtue and practical skill/intelligence. In chapters 8, 15, and 17 of The Prince, Machiavelli states that virtue can be temporarily abandoned in the quest for power so long as the consequences are sufficiently mitigated by proper management. Machiavelli’s virtue is secondary to the effectiveness of the leader and the well-being of the overall people, meaning that publicly imperceptible transgressions of virtue are generally acceptable (and even encouraged). Furthermore, while Plato paints fear largely as the tool of the tyrant (a bad system as seen in Books VIII and XI of The Republic), Machiavelli acknowledges that constant fear—when controlled and not in excess—is extremely beneficial to maintain rulership (Chapter 17 of The Prince).&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Cowans, Jon. Early Modern Spain. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003.&#13;
Durant, Will (1953). The Renaissance. The Story of Civilization. 5. New York: Simon and Schuster. p. 80.&#13;
Machiavelli, Niccolò. The Prince. Translated by Jonathan Bennett. 2017. Accessed November 5, 2018. https://www.earlymoderntexts.com/assets/pdfs/machiavelli1532.pdf.&#13;
Omont, Henri. Page of the Codex Parisinus Graecus 1807. Dialogue Politeia. 900 ad. Wikimedia, National Library of France, Paris. In Wikimedia. By Plato. December 2, 2013. Accessed November 2, 2018. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Politeia_beginning._Codex_Parisinus_graecus_1807.jpg.&#13;
Plato. The Republic. Translated by Richard W. Sterling and William C. Scott. New York, NY: W. W. Norton &amp; Company, 1996.</text>
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                <text>Public Domain</text>
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                <text>Medal in Commemoration of the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre</text>
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                <text>Pope Gregory XIII</text>
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                <text>Matthew Walsh</text>
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                <text>c. 1572</text>
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                <text>Wikimedia Commons, original image available &lt;a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Gregory_XIII_medal.jpg" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Public Domain, with full explanation on image page above.</text>
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                <text>This medal was commissioned by Pope Gregory XIII in commemoration of the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre, one of the bloodiest events of the French Wars of Religion. Catholics targeted and killed many prominent Protestants who were in Paris for the wedding of the king’s sister and the Protestant King Henry of Navarre. Estimates of the death toll vary widely, from thousands to tens of thousands (Wiesner-Hanks, 193). It weakened the Huguenot cause by killing off many of its important leaders, radicalized those who remained Protestant, and provoked continued bloodshed and violence between France’s two religious groups.&#13;
&#13;
In response to hearing of the massacre, Pope Gregory XIII ordered that the solemn canticle of thanksgiving, the Te Deum, be sung. Paintings of key events from Paris were commissioned by famed artist Giorgio Vasari. Gregory XIII also ordered this medal struck. It features on the obverse his bust, and on the reverse the Latin phrase “UGNOTTORUM STRAGES”, translated as “Overthrow of the Huguenots.” Catholic sources emphasize that the pope had no advance warning of the massacre and also suggest that the news reports which reached Rome implicated the Huguenots in a plot against the king’s life (Goyau, np). &#13;
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Nevertheless, this medal symbolizes the heavy response of the papacy to the Protestant Reformation sweeping Europe and the often violent measures the Bishops of Rome employed and endorsed in an effort to stamp out heresy. The medal also shows that national political events were inextricably linked to larger, European religious developments and that the papacy was a distinctly international institution.</text>
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                <text>Exsurge Domine</text>
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                <text>Pope Leo X</text>
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                <text>Matthew Walsh</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>1520</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Bulla Decimi Leonis, contra errores Martini Lutheri et sequacium. (Cum prefatione et glossis Ulrici de Hutten)&lt;/em&gt;, from Österreichische Nationalbibliothek,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Original image available &lt;a href="http://digital.onb.ac.at/OnbViewer/viewer.faces?doc=ABO_%2BZ183482404" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
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                <text>No Copyright - Non-Commercial Use Only, original license available &lt;a href="https://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-NC/1.0/?language=en" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;here.&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Almost three years after Martin Luther’s Ninety-Five Theses set off a religious wildfire, Pope Leo X issued this papal bull, named after the first two words in the Latin text, “Arise, O Lord.” The document lists forty-one purported errors of Luther. Many of them concern the doctrines of purgatory and indulgences, but the bull also defends the Catholic doctrines of the divine institution of the papacy, the morality of burning heretics, and others (Wiesner-Hanks, 168-169). &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Pope Leo X ordered that all of Luther’s works be burned, and he forbade Catholics from reading or owning any of them. He also ordered Luther to come and recant his heretical beliefs within sixty days, or be excommunicated from the Catholic Church. Luther did not do so, and in response to the bull he issued several new writings denouncing the papacy as the Antichrist (whether the Antichrist label applies to the individual holding the papal office or the institution has been a source of intra-Lutheran dissension since; see for example statements by the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod &lt;a href="https://www.lcms.org/about/beliefs/faqs/lcms-views#pope" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;, and the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod &lt;a href="https://wels.net/about-wels/what-we-believe/doctrinal-statements/antichrist/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;, which also expound on Luther’s views on the subject). Two months after he received a copy of Exsurge Domine Martin Luther publicly burned it and other church documents.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;This papal bull shows the inherent spiritual role of the papacy as the center of authority in Catholicism. In relation to the Reformation period specifically it shows the doctrines that came under debate due to Luther’s challenge, and the fierce way in which the Catholic hierarchy responded to the German monk’s criticism. However, the bull ultimately did little if anything to slow down the speed of the Reformation that was sweeping across much of Germany.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Title Page of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum, 1564</text>
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                <text>Pope Pius IV, 1564</text>
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                <text>Matthew Walsh</text>
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                <text>1564</text>
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                <text>Wikimedia Commons, original image available &lt;a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Index_Librorum_Prohibitorum_1.jpg" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;here.&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Public Domain, full license available &lt;a href="https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/deed.en" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
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                <text>In the face of a proliferation of Protestant books and other writings across the European continent, the papacy created the Index Librorum Prohibitorum, “the Index of Banned Books.” By outlawing the ownership and reading of works that expressed opinions counter to the teachings of the Catholic Church, sixteenth century popes like Paul IV and Pius IV, who authorized this particular version, hoped to stem the spread of Protestantism (Wiesner-Hanks, 187). &#13;
&#13;
Although the Index began in the sixteenth century as an anti-Protestant measure, the burgeoning “Enlightenment” of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries produced another glut of works running afoul of Catholicism’s intellectual and spiritual guideposts. So during the Enlightenment the Index was printed again and again, each time updated with new works, like Voltaire’s Candide, which features promiscuous friars and perhaps most notably an old woman who is the illegitimate daughter of Pope Urban X (Voltaire, Ch. 11). There has never been an Urban X, and creating a fake pope served as an attempt to escape serious punishment for impugning the dignity of the papacy. Candide nevertheless made it onto the Index.&#13;
&#13;
The Index highlights the hostile response of papacy and Catholicism more generally to the intellectual developments of the seventeenth and eighteenth century, when individualism, personal liberties, and a belief in the primacy of scientific reasoning were on the rise thanks to John Locke, Denis Diderot, and other giants of the Enlightenment. If the Council of Trent illustrates the Church’s openness to moderate change, the Index demonstrates the papacy’s reactionary instincts.</text>
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