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                <text>Princeps&#13;
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                <text>Machiavelli, Niccolò</text>
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                <text>1622</text>
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                <text>Machiavelli, Niccolo. Princeps. 1622. Sumptibus Haeredum Lazari Zetneri.</text>
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                <text>Italian politics throughout the early modern period are a complex matter with city states constantly trying to gain more prestige and power. Throughout this constant power struggle, princes were adapting various political ideas to create a more efficient state. Many of these princes and other leaders throughout europe would rely on the teachings of Niccolo Machiavelli, a political revolutionary during the late 13th and early 14th centuries. His ideas would play a vital role in the foundation of political thought concerning the security of states. &#13;
Both of these items, The Prince and The Florentine Histories provide valuable insight into the political ideas of Machieval and how they would eventually shape most of Europe. The Prince’s contributed significantly to political thought where various nobles such as Cesare Borigia, a powerful Italian prince, who helped set a precedence for Machiavelli’s political theory, by using “his own ruthlessness to build up a state in central Italy” (Wiesner Hanks 137). Other leaders such as Louis the XIV committed themselves to Machiavellian philosophy and use their power to encourage fear among the general populace and nobles. Machiavelli specifically mentions Ferdinand of Spain and uses him as an ideal image of a ruler, because he is able to maintain a strong political presence that helps stability to Spain (Machiavelli 132). This idea of a strong prince or authoritarian figure leading the state would persist throughout the early modern period and into the modern era. The Florentine Histories helped set about the beginning of modern historical documentation with his “devotion to facts” (Harvey Mansfield). Through these writings, Machiavelli established himself as a prominent political theoretician, but it was also an effort to try to stabilize the chaos of Italy and to regain favor with the Medicis.  &#13;
Machiavelli’s political ideas connect to the much broader extent of the Renaissance and the trend of important philosophical thoughts.  Machiavelli political message supported the idea that states could be independent of the Vatican could use and state, which resulted in European states gaining more power, while diminishing the churches influence. Machiavelli did however still support the church and its mission for spreading Christianity, he viewed it more as more of a Princes responsibility to focus on.</text>
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                <text>A book on the Eastern Travels of Marco Polo</text>
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                <text>During much of the period known as the Middle Ages, it has often been believed that Europeans focused inwards, foregoing a knowledge of the outside world in the harsh years of plague and religious intolerance. This misconception, however, greatly underestimates the importance of voyaging and trade during the late Middle Ages the and they ways in which they impacted the age of discoveries, led by the voyages of Italian Marco Polo, that was to follow in the early modern period. Prior to the Renaissance, trade routes crisscrossed much of the known world with merchants trading across ports in the Mediterranean Sea, Indian Ocean and even the South China Seas (Wiesner-Hanks, 241). These connections led to the strong international trade systems that characterized the early modern world, and the increased ability of Europe to facilitate much of this trade. The 1490s saw a rapid expansion in potential trade routes with Spain’s discovery of the Americas and Portugal’s rounding of the Cape of Good Hope. Not only did this open the entirely new realm of the New World for European exploration (and eventually exploitation), but also allowed Europeans to enter the Asian goods markets while cutting out the many middlemen that had previously been used for the long sea and land voyages that transported goods to Europe (Musgrave, 163).&#13;
This is not to say that Europe had an equally important role in all trading areas during this period. While it is generally accepted that Europeans dominated commercial activity and trade in the Atlantic world, they were comparatively peripheral in the Asian markets and trade within the Indian Ocean until the 18th century (Wiesner-Hanks, 268). In Asia, merchants and companies directed trade, unlike governments in other parts of the world. This meant that the Europeans often had a weaker hand. This was compounded by the fact that Asia was characterized by very strong governments with sophisticated militaries that were often lacking in other parts of the world. Europeans also entered this market in a weaker position to trade. They were looking to trade in Asian luxury goods which were far superior to European manufactured goods during this time. Given this, and the fact that Europe had comparatively few natural resources, Europe was forced to pay for their goods in bullion imported from the Americas, which did not stimulate their economies in the way that traditional trade in goods might have (Musgrave, 169-172). All in all, despite the massive and rapid expansion in the realm of European trade, European domination was far less apparent than is commonly believed. In fact, it was not until the colonization of India and the partition of Africa in the 19th century that European economic preeminence in the world became firm.</text>
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                <text>Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal</text>
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                <text>Martin Helwig</text>
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                <text>1561</text>
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                <text>	16th century Europe saw the rise of the nation-state in many kingdoms. Monarchs across Europe sought to consolidate their power and develop large centralized institutions (Wiesner-Hanks 88). Additionally, New military technology led to an increase in the cost of war which also worked to shift the balance of power from nobles to monarchs because nobles could no longer afford to field a sizeable army (Wiesner-Hanks 95). However, despite the attempts of Charles V, the Holy Roman Empire never succeeded in establishing itself as a nation-state with a strong central government. While there were many factors at play that prevented the consolidation of the Holy Roman Empire, one important factor was the resistance of Northern German cities and regions. The cities’ and regions’ efforts to resist the Emperor and retain their autonomy can be seen in contemporary German maps. &#13;
&#13;
During the 16th century, maps were an important tool used by monarchs to inspire a sense of cohesion to the central government. There were two major types of European maps in the 16th Century: chorographic and geographic. Geographic maps showed the territory of a whole country. It makes sense then that these maps were often used as tools to promote a sense of loyalty to the central government as they portrayed a monarchs land as a single, continuous nation without the dividing lines of states or cities (Mundy 7). Chorographic maps, on the other hand, focused on displaying a particular region or city and were often more artistic in style. As a result, these maps inspired pride in one's local community since they depicted cities or regions as individual entities. &#13;
&#13;
Chorographic maps were especially significant with regards to the Holy Roman Empire because, at the same time Northern German regions and cities were resisting the Emperor, many chorographic maps were published in Germany. These maps, like the one above, became representative of the autonomy of many Northern German cities and regions (Mundy 5).&#13;
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                <text>Martin Luther, &lt;em&gt;On The Freedom of a Christian&lt;/em&gt; (1520)</text>
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                <text>Martin Luther</text>
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                <text>Susannah Ottaway</text>
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                <text>1520 - Early Lutheran Reformation</text>
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                <text>There has been substantial debate over the past 500 years over whether Martin Luther’s doctrine – and the Protestant Reformation as a whole – should be seen as a move towards a more egalitarian society. Should we see Luther’s Reformation as a movement towards the valuing of the individual and away from the social inequalities that were so very evident in the Renaissance era? For these questions, I have selected two of Luther’s publications: &lt;em&gt;The Freedom of a Christian&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;The Admonition to Peace&lt;/em&gt;. The two items selected here to represent social inequality in the Reformation era give us two windows through which to view this question. Luther’s 1520 publication The Freedom of a Christian is often seen as one of his clearest early statements in the doctrine of salvation by faith alone, but it is also a reflection of the consistent priority that Luther put on service to one’s neighbor. Thus, in the first place, the document claims that “the soul needs only the Word of God for its life and righteousness, so it is justified by faith alone and not any works.” This is an exceptionally clear articulation of Luther’s belief that only through faith in the gospel can the Christian gain heaven in the afterlife. At the same time, The Freedom of a Christian also states that as long as a person “lives in the flesh” that person is “compelled to do many good works.” A good Christian knows that their hearts and souls must make a leap of faith in the trinity (God, Christ the son of God, and the Holy Spirit), but their physical selves on earth must work to serve their neighbors as well. (A similar interpretation of &lt;em&gt;The Freedom of a Christian&lt;/em&gt; is in Wiesner-Hanks, 171). This text supports a view of Luther’s theology as empowering of the individual: any individual is capable of “justification” in the Lord. At the same time, the text shows that all good Christians will seek to make the physical world around them a better place, and so individuals are obliged to help those who are in need. We can see the ways in which such views could be (and were) used to underpin new systems of poor relief.</text>
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                <text>"About the liberty of Christian man" by Martin Luther. Printed by Jörg Nadler, Nuremberg, 1520 (Austrian National Library, Sign. *35.R.181)</text>
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                <text>Creative Commons License: 9.&#13;
Текст доступен по лицензии Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike; в отдельных случаях могут действовать дополнительные условия. Подробнее см. Условия использования.&#13;
Wikipedia® — зарегистрированный товарный знак некоммерческой организации Wikimedia Foundation, Inc.</text>
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                <text>Luther:Letters of Spiritual Council</text>
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                <text>Martin Luther</text>
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                <text>Jack Williams</text>
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                <text>1483-1546</text>
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                <text>Healing during the Early Modern period was very often the property of the church and of faith. Pilgrims would go on long journeys to the resting places of saints and other holy figures, in order to find any form of healing they could (Wiesner-Hanks 166). While Luther may have been vehemently against many Catholic practices, such as indulgences and other authoritarian actions of the pope, one letter found in this collection, written to the wife of an afflicted acquaintance shows that even through the reformation, faith still held a powerful sway over healing. Luther writes “These signs shall follow them that believe; they shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover.” (Luther 52) While he does show a change from previous doctrine, by allowing modern believers to enact healing, clearly, he is still of the opinion that faith can be responsible for healing. Another notable statement from Luther during this letter is that while faith is the answer he turns to, it is not his first response to hearing of this affliction. First, he suggests they turn to physicians, and that if “the physicians are at a loss…. It must, rather, be an affliction that comes from the devil.” (Luther 52) Luther’s writing in this letter also demonstrate the fatalistic nature of healing in the Renaissance period, this letter ends saying “In so far as we are able, we shall at the same time unite our… prayers and petitions to the Lord with yours,” even with the hope of a worldly cure, Luther and his contemporaries still believed healing to come from a heavenly figure, only possible with God’s intercession.</text>
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                <text>CC BY-SA</text>
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                <text>Empress Maria Theresia of Austria</text>
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                <text>Changlan Wang</text>
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                <text>	During the era of constantly changing political power and international affair, the Austrian Habsburg faced a succession problem after the death of Charles VI who had no sons. The succession of a women emperor in Europe was generally rare during the early modern period. Although the imperial law, which was based on the Salic Law, officially prohibited the emperorship passing to a woman, Charles managed to issue a Pragmatic Sanction, allowing his eldest daughter, Maria Theresa, to inherit (Weisner-hanks, 351). However, despite the fact that a number of states within the Empire and most other European countries agreed on the imperial decree, several breached their promises, attacked Austria and tried to claim parts of the territory of Maria Theresa (Weisner-hanks, 351). The social norm of having a male emperor and the conception that woman is weak or incapable of bearing the responsibility of ruling a country put Maria into a vulnerable and dangerous situation. The view of women in the political world is indispensable from the social hierarchical order that women was positioned into. For example, French lawyer sought to exclude both women and heirs who had inherited through the female line during a succession controversy (Weisner-hanks, 351). Moreover, the concept of women being foundationally different and weaker than men is also correlated with humoralism, which considered feminine complexion as fundamentally weaker (Earle, 41). Thus, women should be treated differently, particularly when they were in power, because of the inherent weakness they had. The contrasting reaction of the initial agreement and later breaking their promises of the European countries once Charles VI died make it even more obvious that the power of women was considered less authoritative compared to men’s.</text>
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                <text>Meytens, Martin van. Empress Maria Theresia of Austria. 1759. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3e/Kaiserin_Maria_Theresia_%28HRR%29.jpg.&#13;
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                <text>A variety of flora and fauna existed in the New World that differed from European plants and animals. One notable example is the opossum, which, according to Hugh Honour, revealed the “strangeness” of the Americas “while parrots and toucans represented the brilliance and beauty of nature in the New World” (Parrish 485). Enamored by its uniqueness, European naturalists noted the quadruped as having feet in the front and hands in the back, backwards from other four-legged creatures (Parrish 477). The opossum hung upside down, leading observers to hypothesize about the inversion of its organs. Initial descriptors wrote of the animal “as a composite creature fitted with a strange anatomical part” which coincided with Biblical notions of female monsters representing corrupt populuses like in Revelation 17 (Parrish 477). These notions of animosity were consistent with then current polarizing ideas about the New World’s abundance and monstrosity. &#13;
&#13;
Maps, like this 16th century one, and their accuracy in general became increasingly important as maritime travel became more and more popular, but in this engraving cannibals pair with opossums to reinforce the concept of barbarism present in the minds of Europeans that was influenced by indigenous Americans' different ways of structuring society, food habits, and religion. Like the rhinoceros from India, one of Columbus’s ship commanders Vincent Yanez Pinzon presented a mother opossum to the king in Granada (Parrish 485). Ideas about environmental determinism and the humoral theory led to the expectation that the new landscape of the Americas would alter Europeans, and debates about whether nature in America was blessed, diabolical, or somewhere in between all used the opossum as proof of their arguments because of its strangeness, fertility, and pouch (Parrish 513-514). It became emblematic of metamorphosis even while its negative traits like its smell,  interesting self-defense habit, and sheer novelty led to its ultimate lack of typological significance.</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://www.faena.com/aleph/waldseemulers-carta-marina-understanding-the-ancient-world-in-a-single-glance" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;https://www.faena.com/aleph/waldseemulers-carta-marina-understanding-the-ancient-world-in-a-single-glance&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Parrish, Susan Scott. “The Female Opossum and the Nature of the New World.” The William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 54, no. 3, 1997, pp. 475–514. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2953837. Accessed 25 May 2021.&#13;
(Specific Image: Courtesy of the William J. Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan)</text>
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                <text>This collage of colored papers combines to accurately form a sunflower, a flower originally from Mexico that was introduced to Europe in the late 16th century. Botanists and herbalists recorded this flower, and it was grown by John Gerard in 1597 who states  'it hath risen up to the height of fourteene foote in my garden, where one flower was in waight three pounde and two ounces' (British Museum). Mary Delany, an English artist who became fascinated with recording flowers with collages of paper, accepted donations from friends to complete her collection of almost 1,000 papercut flowers. She was influenced by her friend the Duchess of Portland, who, like many elites by this time, was “a humanitarian and avid collector of natural history and antiques” (British Museum). This project and album reflects broader trends of the scientific revolution and increased interest in scientific accuracy and naturalism, but it also demonstrates the increased interaction between the New World and Europe that produced lasting effects for centuries.</text>
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                <text>This is the title page of Mary Wollstonecraft’s &lt;em&gt;A Vindication of the Rights of Woman&lt;/em&gt;, which was published in 1792. Wollstonecraft was a prolific English writer and powerful advocate for women’s rights, as the title of this book suggests. Chapter XII, titled “On National Education,” is the most pertinent section of this book to this exhibit. This document is incredibly useful for evaluating the state of education—in particular women’s education—at the end of the 18th century. In this chapter, Wollstonecraft identifies several vices resulting from purely public and purely private education as well as from educating members of either sex in isolation of the other. Her reasons for this are laid out in a powerful statement: “If marriage be the cement of society, mankind should all be educated after the same model, or the intercourse of the sexes will never deserve the name of fellowship, nor will women ever fulfill the peculiar duties of their sex, till they become enlightened citizens, till they become free by being enabled to earn their own subsistence, independent of men” (Wollstonecraft, "On National Education"). The language Wollstonecraft uses is clearly directed towards a male audience, as she speaks of women failing to fulfill the “duties of their sex.” These duties have been defined by men, and it would concern primarily men if women were not fulfilling their “wifely duties.” Wollstonecraft argues for women to be educated in the same manner as and together with men, evidence that this was surely not happening at this time. The entire chapter lays out well-structured defenses for equality between men and women in education, proving that such a thing did not exist, but that the idea of it was circulating.</text>
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                <text>The mainstream Enlightenment may have put an emphasis on individual liberties and free thought, but these ideas rarely extended to “second class” members of early modern European society, including women. Mary Wollstonecraft, a feminist philosopher and writer active during the Enlightenment, published this book as “the first explicit call for political rights to be extended to the female half of the population” (Wiesner-Hanks, 8). Part of what is considered the “radical Enlightenment,” Wollstonecraft’s work specifically advocated for the education and acceptance of women into “men’s” society.&#13;
&#13;
During the Enlightenment, women exercised their voices as writers and salon owners, but their role continued to be confined to the sphere of the home, where philosophers like Rousseau asserted such maternal personalities were necessary. Wollstonecraft’s ideas interacted with Locke’s, bringing forth the conflict between two reigning ideas of the mainstream Enlightenment: one, that reason was innate, and two, that women were inferior. Wollstonecraft’s publication as well as her role in society set the stage for future feminist writers and politicians.</text>
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&#13;
Wiesner-Hanks, Merry. Early Modern Europe: 1450-1789. Cambridge University Press, 2013. Print.</text>
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                <text>In A Vindication of the Rights of the Women, written by Mary Wollstonecraft in 1792, Wollstonecraft responded to the thoughts of some education theorists who didn’t think women should receive proper education. She argued that by giving women proper education, and imparticuarly, educating them together with males starting at a young age, would allow them to reason and fulfile their peculiar duties (Wollstonecraft). Unless women are more educated and “Wollstonecraft responded to the thoughts of some education theorists who didn’t think women should receive proper education. She argued that by giving women proper education, and in particular, educating them together with males starting at a young age, would allow them to reason and fulfill their peculiar duties better (Wollstonecraft). Until women are more educated and “have more understanding, it is vain to expect them to possess domestic taste. Their lively senses will ever be at work to harden their hearts, and the emotions struck out of them will continue to be vivid and transitory, unless a proper education store their mind with knowledge” (Wollstonecraft.) Wollstonecraft also indicated that both sexes would benefit from the education that women received, since “after women being brought up with men, they are prepared to be their companions rather than their mistresses” and are more capable of carrying out their domestic duties. By permitting boys and girls to pursue the same studies together, “the graceful decencies might early be inculcated which produce modesty without those sexual distinctions that taint the mind” (Wollstonecraft).&#13;
Wollstonecraft can be considered as a radical feminist during the Enlightenment. She rejected the gender role proposed by Rousseau and strongly promote the equality of men and women. However, because the larger social-historical context, such radical idea of coeducation would receive strong critiques and condemnation. She attempted to avoid this by compromising the education of girls after 9 years old to be separated from boys in the afternoon to be trained in “plain-work, mantua-making, millinery” (Wollstonecraft). However, it is undeniable that Wollstonecraft's theory contributed remarkably to the the rudimentary idea of gender equality in modern days.</text>
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                <text>Wollstonecraft, Mary. A Vindication of the Rights of Women, 1792. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/33/Vindication1b.jpg.</text>
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                <text>Public Domain</text>
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                <text>La cacciata dal Paradiso</text>
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                <text>Adam and Eve banished from Paradise</text>
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                <text>Masaccio</text>
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                <text>Changlan Wang</text>
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                <text>1427</text>
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                <text>Masaccio. La Cacciata Dal Paradiso. 1427. https://www.wikiart.org/en/masaccio/adam-and-eve-banished-from-paradise.</text>
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                <text>The story of Adam and Eve being expelled by God from the Garden of Eden because of Eve's vulnerability to the temptation of the forbidden fruit is one of the opening stories of the Bible. It lays the foundation of roles of women in Christianity: weak, vulnerable, lack willpower and dependent on men. As Christianity was so deeply embedded in the worldview of people in the early modern period, it was not uncommon for people to pick up that view of women implicated in this biblical story. In the humanists’ discussion about the social expectations for women, Count Baldassare Castiglione in Il Libro del Cortegiano or The Book of The Courtier wrote that “To have understanding, being married, how to order her husband substance, her house and children, and to play the good housewife” was considered the chief qualities of a gentlewoman (Castiglione). Also, in Vives' writing of On the Instruction of Young Girls, it is considered that “the nature of the human body is inclined toward evil” and particularly for girls, unless they are consistently educated about moral rectitude, chastity and virtuous living, their natural wickedness and ignorance will lead them to only appreciate “sensual pleasure and banqueting”  (Vives, 64). Though such humanistic concern about the education of women has started to evolve, it was still deeply grounded in the assumption that women is fundamentally different from men, in a way that is very similar to what the biblical story of Adam and Eve suggested: women need external help to assist them from living a moral life, and even when they are relatively competent, they are still helpers corresponding to men. </text>
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