The adoration of the lamb. Chromolithograph after Jan van Eyck
This work of art by painter Jan van Eyck demonstrates the artistic innovations which occurred in the Low Countries during the Renaissance. By examining this work, which is one of many paintings on an altarpiece by van Eyck, one can see a greater emphasis on details compared to previous works of medieval art. Human faces are portrayed in a more detailed way, with emotions and distinct facial characteristics becoming discernible. This work is much more ambitious in the number of people who are depicted and demonstrates a developing understanding of perspective. The textures and folds of clothing are rendered in great detail. As the work is part of an altarpiece, religious motifs and figures are central to the painting. The patronage of wealthy and powerful individuals was necessary for an artist during the Renaissance. Jan van Eyck painted many of his works in the city of Bruges, in Flanders, under the patronage of Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy. Prior to this patronage van Eyck worked under the patronage of other dukes (Tovell 90). The Ghent altarpiece was partially paid for through the patronage of an independent citizen of Ghent who van Eyck included in another panel of the altarpiece (Tovell 91, 104). Even during the early 15th century, citizens such as the patron for the Ghent altarpiece were involved in art in the Low Countries, a participation which expanded as the middle class grew in the Netherlands (see the page on Baroque Art). While art historian Giorgio Vasari focuses primarily on Italian artists in his Lives of the Artists, van Eyck’s style can be connected to his commentary on those artists. Vasari declares that in examining van Eyck’s contemporaries, which he places into the second period of Renaissance art, “We shall see compositions being designed with a greater number of figures and richer ornamentation, and design becoming more firmly grounded and more realistic and lifelike” (Vasari 90). Certainly van Eyck’s works indicate similar innovations developing outside of Italy. Works Cited Tovell, Ruth Massey. “Jan van Eyck: The Ghent Altarpiece.” in Flemish Artists of the Valois Courts, 89-105. University of Toronto Press, 1950. Vasari, Giorgio, Lives of the Artists, Volume I. Translated by George Bull. New York, Penguin Books, 1987.
https://wellcomecollection.org/works/nvrjwmqc
This work is licensed under Creative Commons. Credit: 'The adoration of the lamb. Chromolithograph after Jan van Eyck' by Jan van Eyck. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY
Portrait of Desiderius Erasmus | Massijs, Quinten (I)
This painting of Desiderius Erasmus captures the character of the Dutch humanist writer and demonstrates the strong humanist presence in the Low Countries. Erasmus situated himself in a central position in the intellectual world of the Renaissance. Merry Wiesner-Hanks declares outright that Erasmus was “the most famous scholar of his time in all of Europe” (Wiesner-Hanks 141). Erasmus fashioned a distinct image for himself through his writings and even through paintings such as this one. St. Jerome served as the inspiration for these depictions of Erasmus (Jardine 4), which shows how Erasmus wanted to be viewed in his time: as a scholarly man and prolific writer concerned with theology and spirituality. In connection to this inspiration from St. Jerome, Erasmus was a Christian humanist thinker. He translated and compiled many religious works, including a translation of the New Testament into Latin, and wrote many other works and letters that addressed his ideas on Christian living. Erasmus placed a higher value in the spiritual individual and connection to the Gospels over physical representations of holiness such as relics. He also constructed a circle of other Christian humanist thinkers such as Thomas More, Juan Luis Vives, and Lèfevre d’Etaples, with whom he communicated and debated through numerous letters (Wiesner-Hanks 141). This strain of humanist thought focused on religious reform can be seen as a precursor to later Protestant and Catholic reform movements (Wiesner-Hanks 143). A key location in Erasmus's life was Louvain, a city in the Low Countries. The scholars located in Louvain criticized many of the Christian humanist ideas espoused by Erasmus. Historian Erika Rummel relates that Erasmus eventually moved to Louvain partly in order to "keep his critics in check" (Rummel 3). Erasmus also promoted other members in humanist circles, such as Juan Luis Vives, while in Louvain (Jardine 17). Through this example one can see that Erasmus was not only of Dutch heritage, but also engaged in the geographic location of the Low Countries. Alongside his presence in the Low Countries, Erasmus’s influence flourished in other areas of Europe, such as England, where his ideas contributed to the English Reformation (Jardine 12), and Spain, where Erasmus enjoyed immense popularity among intellectuals and members of the Spanish court during the 1520s (Elliot 151-152). Ultimately, Erasmus occupied both a important position locally and internationally in the intellectual world of his time. Works Cited Elliot, J.H. Imperial Spain 1469-1716, 151-152. London, Edward Arnold Ltd., 1963. Jardine, Lisa. Erasmus, Man of Letters : The Construction of Charisma in Print. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. Accessed November 15, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central. Rummel, Erika. "ERASMUS AND THE LOUVAIN THEOLOGIANS — A STRATEGY OF DEFENSE." Nederlands Archief Voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 70, no. 1 (1990): 2-12. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24009249. Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E. “Cultural and intellectual life, 1450-1600.” In Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789, 141-143. Cambridge University Press, 2013.
https://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/90402/SK_A_166
If the Florence Cathedral is symbolic of the religious architecture of the early Renaissance, then the facade of the Palazzo Pitti, also built by the architect Filippo Brunelleschi, is its secular counterpart. Initially commissioned by a banker and then sold to the powerful Medici family, the palace, which was built starting in 1440 and has been continually expanded over the past half-millennium, has on its face an archetypical example of Renaissance design. The towering facade of the Palazzo Pitti consists of three tiered series of arches that run the length of the building, each tier receding slightly behind the one below. The immediate impression that this creates is that of similarity to a Roman aqueduct; this is intentional. Almost every component of the design is intended to remind the viewer of classical architecture. The windows of the first floor are topped with pediments in the style of Greek or Roman temples, the stone is rusticated (i.e. roughened) in the Roman fashion, and the arches are composed of thin plates of rusticated stone arranged in imitation of Roman arches. To view the Palazzo Pitti from the front is to be confronted by an intimidatingly solid, rough, and altogether imposing structure rendered nonetheless elegant by its many windows and the high arches which contain them. This combination of power and grace, while certainly slightly Machiavellian, was also exactly what the people of the classical world were presumed to have possessed by the humanist thinkers whose writing spurred the Renaissance. As such, the Palazzo Pitti (or at least its facade) can be seen as an enactment of the humanist vision of a reestablished classical aesthetic. Vasari describes the Palazzo Pitti as both “ambitious and magnificent” (Vasari, 91), and he’s correct to: this palace is a bold statement, a private citizen declaring that he shared the qualities of the revered ancients. This, like the Florence Cathedral, is one of the first examples of wealthy, powerful people in the Renaissance era cementing their status through association with the new humanist project and the respected classical world.
Architect: Filippo Brunelleschi Photograph: sailko
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Palazzo_pitti_01.JPG Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Artists
Florence Cathedral (Cattedrale di Santa Maria del Fiore)
The Florence Cathedral, officially called the Cattedrale di Santa Maria del Fiore (the Cathedral of Saint Mary of the Flower) and usually simply referred to as “il Duomo,” or “the Cathedral,” is arguably the Florentine building. It has earned this reputation largely because of its titanic dome, which, aside from being the largest in the world at the time of its construction, also serves as one of the city’s chief landmarks. That dome, built from 1418 to 1434 under the direction of the architect Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446), was placed on top of an earlier Gothic cathedral structure designed by Arnolfo di Cambio (1240-1310), whose construction began in 1296. This combination produces perhaps the most potent symbol of the fledgling Renaissance: the sight of a dome built “based to some degree on Roman domes” like the Pantheon (Wiesner-Hanks, 141) soaring into the sky over an older cathedral formed from groin vaults and pointed Gothic arches. The new culture, here, literally surmounted the old. The novel architectural techniques that would come to prominence in the following years, based on advanced geometry and precise engineering and inspired by classical buildings and Vitruvius’ Architecture, weren’t “direct descendants” (as it were) of Brunelleschi’s design for the Florence Cathedral’s dome; the ingredients for Renaissance architecture were already present by the time construction began. At the same time, however, the massive dome leaves a shadow that is both metaphorically and physically long. It is hard not to see il Duomo as the beginning of a new architectural paradigm, especially given its location at the center of the city where the Renaissance first truly blossomed. Even Vasari, who dismissed the work of Early Renaissance architects, felt compelled to justify this dismissal by saying that the “fineness and excellence” (Vasari, 91) of Brunelleschi’s work on the Florence Cathedral made him an outlier among his contemporaries. The fact that this building is a cathedral is also of note, considering that it’s a perfect example of the involvement of Church money in sponsoring the architectural adventures of the Renaissance.
Photograph: Giuseppe Mondi Architects: Filippo Brunelleschi, Arnolfo di Cambio
https://unsplash.com/photos/Qq1fwSLM0N0 Merry Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Artists
Begun 1296, dome completed 1434, facade completed 1887
Healing during the Early Modern period was very often the property of the church and of faith. Pilgrims would go on long journeys to the resting places of saints and other holy figures, in order to find any form of healing they could (Wiesner-Hanks 166). While Luther may have been vehemently against many Catholic practices, such as indulgences and other authoritarian actions of the pope, one letter found in this collection, written to the wife of an afflicted acquaintance shows that even through the reformation, faith still held a powerful sway over healing. Luther writes “These signs shall follow them that believe; they shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover.” (Luther 52) While he does show a change from previous doctrine, by allowing modern believers to enact healing, clearly, he is still of the opinion that faith can be responsible for healing. Another notable statement from Luther during this letter is that while faith is the answer he turns to, it is not his first response to hearing of this affliction. First, he suggests they turn to physicians, and that if “the physicians are at a loss…. It must, rather, be an affliction that comes from the devil.” (Luther 52) Luther’s writing in this letter also demonstrate the fatalistic nature of healing in the Renaissance period, this letter ends saying “In so far as we are able, we shall at the same time unite our… prayers and petitions to the Lord with yours,” even with the hope of a worldly cure, Luther and his contemporaries still believed healing to come from a heavenly figure, only possible with God’s intercession.
This painting, by Josse Lieferinxe, was completed in 1497 and depicts a group of diseased and injured pilgrims visiting the tomb of St. Sebastian, the patron saint of soldiers and the plague-stricken. Lieferinxe was originally from the Southern Netherlands, and was identified by his pseudonym, The Master of St. Sebastian, until he was identified in 1942. His style was defined by the Provincial style originating in France where he spent the better part of his painting career (WGA 1). Most of Lieferinxe’s work focuses on faith stories and triumphant saints and angels. Only a few of his pieces focus on any form of everyday life, including this painting. The question this draws, is why would he choose to spend his time depicting such a sad scene? The answer seems to come from his devotion to St. Sebastian. While St. Sebastian may not be commonly known in modern times, during the late gothic and early Renaissance he was the most commonly depicted saint in paintings. This was caused by his role as the protector of those afflicted by the bubonic plague, a common worry during this time period. With this all taken into account, Lieferinxe’s depiction of the tomb, even without St. Sebastian being “physically” present, follows well with accepted theological traditions (Boeckl). It also follows accepted traditions involving healing and medicine. For the Early Modern peasant, disease and injury were often the random fact of life, and if a local healer couldn’t find a cure or method for healing any given ailment there was no other for healing than to hope for a miracle. Often times certain saints, like Sebastian, were associated with healing certain types of injuries, or types of people (Wiesner Hanks 167).
"Pilgrims at the Tomb of St Sebastian by LIEFERINXE, Josse." Stigmatization of St Catherine of Siena by BECCAFUMI, Domenico. Accessed September 21, 2018. https://www.wga.hu/html/l/lieferin/sebasti1.html.
The story of Adam and Eve being expelled by God from the Garden of Eden because of Eve's vulnerability to the temptation of the forbidden fruit is one of the opening stories of the Bible. It lays the foundation of roles of women in Christianity: weak, vulnerable, lack willpower and dependent on men. As Christianity was so deeply embedded in the worldview of people in the early modern period, it was not uncommon for people to pick up that view of women implicated in this biblical story. In the humanists’ discussion about the social expectations for women, Count Baldassare Castiglione in Il Libro del Cortegiano or The Book of The Courtier wrote that “To have understanding, being married, how to order her husband substance, her house and children, and to play the good housewife” was considered the chief qualities of a gentlewoman (Castiglione). Also, in Vives' writing of On the Instruction of Young Girls, it is considered that “the nature of the human body is inclined toward evil” and particularly for girls, unless they are consistently educated about moral rectitude, chastity and virtuous living, their natural wickedness and ignorance will lead them to only appreciate “sensual pleasure and banqueting” (Vives, 64). Though such humanistic concern about the education of women has started to evolve, it was still deeply grounded in the assumption that women is fundamentally different from men, in a way that is very similar to what the biblical story of Adam and Eve suggested: women need external help to assist them from living a moral life, and even when they are relatively competent, they are still helpers corresponding to men.
Masaccio. La Cacciata Dal Paradiso. 1427. https://www.wikiart.org/en/masaccio/adam-and-eve-banished-from-paradise.
The triptych is a significant art-piece of the Northern Renaissance that stresses the ideas of Northern Humanism, specifically individual and personal study of the Bible. Campin achieves this message through targeted imagery and symbolism, specifically the depiction of a significant Biblical scene, the Annunciation, in a traditional Flemish home and town of the area. By placing the scene in a familiar setting for viewers of the piece, as well as incorporating symbolism of Christian Humanism through the open Bible in the center being studied, and the presence of the Holy Spirit in the central panel. These reinforced ideas of Christian Humanism play a crucial role in, and boldy foreshadow, the later development of political ideologies in Europe, specifically Liberalism. The focus on the potential of the individual to study and interpret the Bible for oneself which is exhibited in this piece, and in works of the Northern Renaissance and Christian Humanism, are parallel to Liberalism, which similarly focuses on the potential of the individual in society with limited control by a greater source of authority/the government (or in the case of Christian Humanism, the Church).
Workshop of Robert Campin [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons
Martin Luther, On The Freedom of a Christian (1520)
There has been substantial debate over the past 500 years over whether Martin Luther’s doctrine – and the Protestant Reformation as a whole – should be seen as a move towards a more egalitarian society. Should we see Luther’s Reformation as a movement towards the valuing of the individual and away from the social inequalities that were so very evident in the Renaissance era? For these questions, I have selected two of Luther’s publications: The Freedom of a Christian and The Admonition to Peace. The two items selected here to represent social inequality in the Reformation era give us two windows through which to view this question. Luther’s 1520 publication The Freedom of a Christian is often seen as one of his clearest early statements in the doctrine of salvation by faith alone, but it is also a reflection of the consistent priority that Luther put on service to one’s neighbor. Thus, in the first place, the document claims that “the soul needs only the Word of God for its life and righteousness, so it is justified by faith alone and not any works.” This is an exceptionally clear articulation of Luther’s belief that only through faith in the gospel can the Christian gain heaven in the afterlife. At the same time, The Freedom of a Christian also states that as long as a person “lives in the flesh” that person is “compelled to do many good works.” A good Christian knows that their hearts and souls must make a leap of faith in the trinity (God, Christ the son of God, and the Holy Spirit), but their physical selves on earth must work to serve their neighbors as well. (A similar interpretation of The Freedom of a Christian is in Wiesner-Hanks, 171). This text supports a view of Luther’s theology as empowering of the individual: any individual is capable of “justification” in the Lord. At the same time, the text shows that all good Christians will seek to make the physical world around them a better place, and so individuals are obliged to help those who are in need. We can see the ways in which such views could be (and were) used to underpin new systems of poor relief.
"About the liberty of Christian man" by Martin Luther. Printed by Jörg Nadler, Nuremberg, 1520 (Austrian National Library, Sign. *35.R.181)
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Piazza Santissima Annunziata in Florence. Ospedale degli innocenti, frontside. Architect: Filippo. Brunelleschi
This building was designed by Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446), who oversaw its construction for the first decade after the start of its commission in 1419. It is both an excellent example of Renaissance architecture by a recognized master artist, and an example of a major way in which European cities during the Renaissance cared for the poor. As Merry Wiesner-Hanks explains, this hospital for orphans and abandoned children was designed so that "all proportions - of the windows, height, floor plan, and covered walkway with a series of rounded arches - were carefully thought out to achieve a sense of balance and harmony" (Wiesner-Hanks, 153). Brunelleschi, who most famously designed the dome of the Florence Cathedral, an accomplishment that led Giorgio Vasari to claim, "his genius was so commanding that he can surely say he was sent by heaven to renew the art of architecture" (Vasari, 133). Several aspects of the building reflect typical Renaissance approaches to social welfare provision. The hospital was commissioned by the silk-workers' guild, which makes it one of many urban institutions that were initiated by secular or religious organizations, rather than by political authorities. It targeted a group of "worthy" poor, those "innocents" who, through no fault of their own, had been left dependents of the state. Finally, the highly specific nature of the charitable foundation was characteristic of an era that targeted individual needs of discrete urban populations, rather than sought to create general social welfare policies.
1419-1447 (from commission to opening of the building). Renaissance.